The failures of Russian propaganda in Italy

Glory to Ukraine, certainly. But glory to Italy, too? The debate that took place yesterday in Parliament regarding the Prime Minister’s statements ahead of the European Council once again offered observers a sharp, clear and perfect picture of the balances, the awkwardness and the conflicting views that exist within political parties when discussing foreign policy, and in particular the situation in Ukraine. If one focuses on the divisions, one cannot help but notice how the progressive camp, once again yesterday, on foreign policy issues – and in particular on matters concerning Ukraine – provided good reasons to be regarded as something more akin to a minefield than a broad coalition.

The M5S has stated in black and white that the continued supply of arms to Ukraine contributes to ‘dismissing any prospect of peace’. The PD, fortunately, has stated in no uncertain terms that Italy must continue to support Kyiv on “humanitarian, economic and military” grounds. Giorgia Meloni, by contrast, has spoken in clear, firm and decisive terms on the subject of Ukraine’s defence, pointing out that “if Ukraine were to stop defending itself tomorrow, as many hope or propose, we would not have peace’, that ‘the government’s position on Kyiv remains unchanged’, that we cannot offer ‘legitimacy to Moscow whilst its bombs continue to fall on Ukrainian cities’, that ‘what happens in Ukraine does not stay in Ukraine’, and that ‘the hybrid threat has now become yet another “new normal” of this troubled era’.

However, the decision to focus on the divisions that exist on the right and left when discussing Kyiv – Roberto Vannacci has also expressed views similar to those of the M5S – is a reductive, superficial approach that prevents us from highlighting one of the most interesting characteristics of an Italy preparing to go to the polls. That characteristic is that, despite pro-Putin propaganda gaining traction in Italian politics and, above all, in certain media outlets, the overwhelming majority of political forces in Parliament remain staunchly pro-Ukraine and continue to do so even though support for Kyiv is forcing them to make tough choices just a few months before the elections.

Schlein has begun to strongly advocate for the PD’s support for Ukraine’s cause, including from a military perspective, in recent months, fully aware that this would cause a rift with half of her own coalition: from the M5S to AVS. On the other hand, Meloni has chosen to make the defence of Ukraine a watershed issue with which to define the boundaries of her coalition, and the impossibility of forming an alliance with Roberto Vannacci’s party stems first and foremost from the former general’s excessive proximity to Putin’s cause. A few days ago, in an interview with TASS, the Russian ambassador to Italy expressed great delight at the cordial relations he maintains with various political figures in our country. But Italy’s stance in recent years regarding its proximity to Putin’s cause should offer Russian propagandists little cause for optimism.

Italy has a Head of State who, for months, has been comparing Putin to Hitler because of what he is doing to Ukraine – something that few other presidents of the Republic in Europe have the courage to do. Italy has the leader of the largest governing party who is staunchly in favour of defending Ukraine, and the leader of the largest opposition party who is firmly in favour of defending Ukraine. It has a majority party, Forza Italia, which has never questioned the defence of Ukraine, not even when its founder, Silvio Berlusconi, was alive and had doubts about pursuing anti-Putin campaigns. It has a party that was once allied with Putin’s party and which, since 2022, has not failed to vote in favour of a single decree on sending arms to Ukraine. It has centrist parties, such as Azione, which strive to keep the spotlight on Ukraine in every possible and imaginable context. It has a party very much in tune with Putin’s propaganda, such as the M5S, which had already promised in the past to wreak havoc on Putinism, threatening to lift every possible sanction against Russia, but, as many will recall, when Giuseppe Conte came to power in 2018 at the head of a coalition comprising the M5S and the Lega, despite having a government contract – signed in 2018 – which called for the lifting of sanctions against Russia, at every European Council meeting the ‘barricadero’ Conte chose to vote in favour of renewing the European sanctions every single time.

The figures, moreover, show that Italy – a country much favoured by the Russian ambassador – saw around 85 per cent of those voting in the Chamber of Deputies on 11 February 2026 in favour of the final decree extending aid to Ukraine. And even yesterday, in the midst of an election campaign – who knows how long it will last – the figures show that, when the majority, the PD, Azione and Italia Viva are added together, those in favour of supporting Ukraine, including military support, account for around 80 per cent of the Chamber of Deputies. There is certainly sympathy in Italy, and Putin’s propaganda carries weight in our country; it influences the behaviour of political parties and divides coalitions. But it is one thing to say how widespread the propaganda is; it is quite another to understand how effective that propaganda actually is.

We do not know the extent of the investment in roubles made in Italy, nor whether anyone in politics has benefited directly or indirectly from that support, However, it may be worth noting, with due modesty, that the presence of a country such as Italy—where, despite everything, the majority supporting Ukraine is larger than the majority supporting the government—should provide a sufficient reason for the financiers of propaganda to seek reimbursement as soon as possible from those whose propaganda, rather than merely generating idle chatter, ought to yield tangible results. Slava Ukraini, or glory to Ukraine. And despite everything, despite the propagandists, for what it does, we can continue to say: slava Italia.