Engaging with the right is possible if the left is as dangerous as Trump. Marattin’s take

“A broad coalition in the style of Zohran Mamdani is just as dangerous as Donald Trump for public finances, for Italy’s international standing and for its competitiveness. At present, populism and demagoguery on the left are on the rise, whilst on the right they are tending to decline.” Luigi Marattin, MP and secretary of the Liberal Democratic Party, speaks to Il Foglio whilst the broad coalition seeks to agree on a government programme, in the wake of the Democrats’ victory across the Atlantic. “I am just as distant from Trump as I am from Mamdani, Al Sayed and a substantial section of the US Democratic Party, to which the Italian centre-left has dangerously drawn closer.” A broad coalition that follows the socialist line of Bernie Sanders, and which even includes a defender of those who praise Hamas such as Maurizio Acerbo, is not much better than the tycoon. “This individual’s gallery of horrors is well known. But having lent him a Member of Parliament gives the impression of a political closeness that terrifies me. In their ranks, I see the demonstrations of this broad coalition where there are Hamas and Hezbollah flags; I see young people from the PD celebrating the centenary of Fidel Castro’s birth.” And on the other side? “I see a centre-right trying to shift towards liberalism; that is no small matter.”

Marattin has repeatedly outlined the conditions under which he is prepared to form an alliance with the political forces of the two-party system. These are his party’s four fundamental points: competition, a smaller state with a focus on taxation, nuclear power and a radical reform of the education system. In recent days, this has also become the position of his party’s grassroots. “As a party, we are having a wonderful debate,” he assures us, “which is bringing to the fore a clear internal majority willing to discuss politics with anyone, on the basis of a liberal identity.” After 11 hours of debate across the executive committee and the national secretariat, the Lib Dems have chosen to be open to the best options, going against the stubbornly centrist line of chairman Andrea Marcucci, who took to the stage in Bologna on Saturday alongside Carlo Calenda, Pina Picierno and their far-centre list (the name? ‘Il centro’). “They’d invited me too a couple of months ago to talk about Russian disinformation,” recalls Marattin. “I accepted, but then I realised it was a bait-and-switch: that initiative was intended to launch the centre bloc. But how can you do that when Calenda, Picierno and I have never even met, despite my repeated requests?”

It remains uncertain whether sitting down at the negotiating table would have resolved anything following a new electoral law based entirely on a two-party system and a majority bonus. “The centre could have been formed under the Rosatellum, because it was a law that would certainly have led to a deadlock,” observes Marattin. “With the new one, however, it’s impossible; neither side is below 42 per cent. To achieve that, we’d need 17 per cent outside the two main blocs, and given that, according to some polls, Roberto Vannacci is set to take 5–6 per cent, we’d need to build a centre bloc of 11–12 per cent.” This was the goal the Liberal Democrats were hoping for. “But along the way we’ve come across those who, with 2–3 per cent, are convinced they can reach that threshold on their own. With the same party symbol, the same manifesto, the same leader. We don’t think that’s the right way forward.” What was needed was a new, manageable and engaging project, says Marattin. “We decide together what the cornerstones are; you don’t learn them at 7 am from Twitter.” He never mentions Calenda by name, but everything points to him. “One day you’d read ‘if Silvia Salis is in, we’ll move to the left’, the next that ‘we need a European wealth tax’. That’s not how it’s done. And besides, I’ve always had the impression of being viewed as a dangerous rival rather than as someone with whom to build a winning project.” Rather than a split (like that of the Third Pole coalition of Azione and Italia Viva, which fell apart four months after the election), here the problems arose even before they made it to the altar.

“I don’t like the term ‘centre’,” explains Marattin. “Globalisation has turned the concepts of right and left on their heads. By rejecting them, I logically reject the concept of the centre as well.” The myriad political groups that populate that political spectrum see things differently – a space crowded with newly formed parties, right-of-centre centrists, ‘fourth pillars’ and hardline, purist centrists like Calenda, who, as a fan of a hung parliament, envisages a post-election future in which his ‘centre’ is crucial for the centre-right. “If people say we’ll form an alliance with Meloni afterwards, then one might as well vote for Meloni straight away,” Marattin remarks ironically. So why not form an alliance beforehand? “Undoubtedly, there have been contacts in the Montecitorio cafeteria, and everything has been discussed for some time.” And what about you? “I’ve always replied that, before receiving a clear mandate from my party, I couldn’t even respond to these welcome overtures. Now that the mandate is beginning to take shape – though it still needs to be fully finalised by a vote in the assembly – we are certainly in a position to engage in further dialogue.” On both sides, he is always keen to emphasise. “Although, admittedly, from the left there have only been a few remarks, but very innocent ones. From the centre-right, on the other hand, there is a possible interest, but things must be done properly. Dialogue with them can only take place without Vannacci, even though I don’t think he’ll join the coalition.”

Amidst the discussions on what to do, Marattin is quite clear about who he is dealing with: “At the moment, populism and demagoguery are on the rise on the left, whilst on the right they are tending to decline. And we have Vannacci to thank for that”. Is the general now the liberals’ unlikely hero? “We had hoped that Draghi’s arrival would shake up the political landscape, but in reality, quite unwittingly, he’s managed to do so himself. He has brought to the fore from the centre-right what he himself calls the ‘scum’ – all those figures with specific views on Russia who have gone over to his side,” explains Marattin. The emergence, for the first time in over thirty years, of a force to the right of the centre-right has created the potential to transform that bloc into something different, and in fact has set in motion shifts within Forza Italia and the League.” Leading the debate within the Lega have been prominent figures such as Massimiliano Romeo, Attilio Fontana and Massimo Garavaglia, whom the Liberal Democrat considers “one of the ten liberals left in Italy”. Salvini’s campaign against aid to Kyiv has been isolated, and Vannacco’s faction is taking on water both amongst party members and in the polls. On the other side, there is no consensus even on a left-wing issue such as the wealth tax, let alone on Ukraine. “Iv accuses me of colluding with the right for the sake of a seat. But they did exactly the same by forming a coalition that included the M5S. They ‘sold themselves out’ in July 2024, when the Rosatellum was firmly in place: the goal Renzi had Schlein score in the ‘Partita del Cuore’ was offside, but he ended up offside politically as well.” Marattin has no choice but to make a decision.