It’s all too easy to say ‘the centre’. A journey through the crowded centrist galaxy

They go on immense journeys and then return, but it is unclear whether they will ever return to where they started: the so-called ‘centrists’, political parties and groups forming a macro-centre that is fluid and ever-changing, depending on the observer’s perspective. Indeed, the centre may appear to be firmly enclosed within the boundaries of one coalition or another, or it may be on the lookout, ready to make the great leap beyond the wall separating the centre-left and the centre-right, or even solitary (yet multifaceted) in the middle ground between the opposing camps. In short: it’s all too easy to talk about ‘centrists’, for the nuances of centrism can be counted not on the fingers of two hands, but of four. And even counting them won’t make sense of it all, so subtle – and often invisible to the eye – is the difference of opinion between these ‘brothers’ (or ‘enemies’?). This raises the question that always comes up when a layman asks a centrist: why are you divided, if you agree on so many things – far more than those that unite you with Elly Schlein’s PD and Giuseppe Conte’s M5S (on the one hand), and Giorgia Meloni’s Fratelli d’Italia and Salvini’s Lega, on the other? And what distinguishes one from the other – another question – the political groups that emerge defining themselves as ‘centrist’ or ‘at the centre’ of this or that political spectrum? The more comprehensible the substance, the more mysterious the direction of centrism appears in this pre-election year, and the ensuing attempt to map it out does not erase the realisation that everything at the centre could break down and reassemble itself in the short to medium term (on the centre-left) or the medium to long term (on the centre-right). What is certain is that there is no sign on the horizon of a phantom ‘confederation of the centre-centre’ – one which, in a utopian or dystopian film (depending, as always, on the viewer’s perspective), might perhaps, ‘given how hypothetically broad it is, if one were to transcend all boundaries’, jokes a visionary centrist, ‘almost reach the coveted 42 per cent’ (with a wave goodbye to both the right and the left). But in reality, for now, it is best to stay put, and this is what we observe.

The centre within the centre-left. Call it, if you like, the ‘fourth pillar’ or the ‘reformist wing’ or the ‘Reformist House’, in the sense of the future sister list to Italia Viva, comprising 50 per cent centrist representatives not from Italia Viva, which former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, of Italia Viva, would like to make available to anyone wishing to join. Except that out there, amongst the other centre-left centrists, mini-centrists and reformists, the Reformist House is often seen as a spin-off of Italia Viva, a stepping stone to annexation (see Alessandro Onorato, and he is not the only one). Even Riccardo Magi, leader of Più Europa, whilst in theory open to dialogue with Renzi, recently said to the former prime minister, specifically regarding the idea of a twin list: “Renzi, don’t be the ‘Marquis of Grillo’.” Let us therefore begin our analysis with the two parties already present within the broad coalition, but also – depending on the day and the meetings convened by Schlein and Conte – on its fringes. Let us therefore consider Italia Viva, the party of the former prime minister and former shareholder of the now-defunct Third Pole (see Carlo Calenda and vice versa): At the latest Leopolda conference, Renzi not only reiterated the concept of ‘we are here’ – effectively inviting everyone to join the reformist camp, meaning the inclusion of left-of-centre centrists of all stripes – but he went further, launching an appeal to the moderate and reformist wing of Forza Italia (see Roberto Occhiuto, the party’s governor of Calabria). ‘Why don’t you come too?’ is the idea. Hence the suggestion – currently the stuff of political fiction – of a grand coalition ‘outside the coalitions’ that erodes the support of the coalitions themselves or which, after the vote, in the event of a deadlock, makes the reshuffling of the cards starkly evident. ‘And why shouldn’t we join in too?’ is the other idea, referring to the expanded policy roundtable (i.e. not limited to the PD, M5S and AVS), finally convened by the PD secretary for today, albeit via videoconference. IV will be present, like the other participants summoned at the last minute, while IV’s leader in the Chamber of Deputies and former minister Maria Elena Boschi has already been not at the table, but on stage (at the CGIL on Thursday, alongside the other leaders of the broad coalition, in a dress rehearsal for dialogue, albeit without agreement on the wealth tax). And that’s not all: the new electoral law is having a say in the matter. In the sense that IV, currently estimated at around 2.4–2.5 per cent, could benefit from the ‘Melonellum’ provision which, so to speak, rewards the ‘best loser’ (those below 3 per cent), a scenario that would make Renzi’s unifying project the only viable option. It is no coincidence that Magi – and here we come to Più Europa – described the so-called ‘anti-splinter group’ provision as a ‘piece of rubbish’, both during and after the long hunger strike against the Melonellum-Stabilicum. And so, at the end of September, ahead of the approval of the electoral law and Renzi’s Homeric Leopolda (Homeric in terms of its staging and intentions), Magi, interviewed by La Repubblica, spoke of a ‘unified list’ even with Renzi, ‘provided Renzi is loyal’ (in any case, Magi was not among the guests at the Leopolda, even though there was a precedent regarding an alliance: the United States of Europe list, founded by the late Emma Bonino and Renzi for the 2024 European elections). Renzi is also seen in the role of ‘weaver of the mayors’ web’, as evidenced by the launch events for his book Qvando c’era lei (published by Solferino), in Rome with the Democratic Party mayor Roberto Gualtieri and in Milan with the centre-left mayor Beppe Sala. And when you say ‘mayor’ (see under ‘possible unifiers’), the other female mayor immediately springs to mind: the mayor of Genoa, the Democrat Silvia Salis, who was not present at this year’s Leopolda but was there last year, and who has long been considered by Renzi’s supporters – despite her own denials – as a viable candidate to unite the centre of the centre-left or the entire broad coalition (though in that case, the shortlist of names also includes Gualtieri and the Democratic Party mayor of Naples, Gaetano Manfredi). The fact remains that, at present, Magi is one of the architects of the so-called ‘sub-group’ within the broader coalition – that is, the dialogue between Più Europa, ‘Più Uno’ led by the former director of the Revenue Agency, Ernesto Maria Ruffini, and ‘Primavera’, an association headed by Vincenzo Spadafora, the former Minister for Sport in the Conte II government, in the name of consensus and the contribution of liberal-democratic reformist forces. Meanwhile, Magi himself, as part of renewed efforts to circumvent the requirement for an excessive number of signatures to be collected in each constituency (6,000 per constituency – though Più Europa has had representation since the start of the parliamentary term and therefore needs to collect 1,500 signatures per constituency, not 6,000. The attempt to form a parliamentary group was intended to enable the group to lodge an appeal with the Constitutional Court against the electoral law on the specific issue of signatures) – which the new law imposes on those without parliamentary representation – saw the request to establish the new group, which could have formed the basis of a unified centrist list (comprising Più Europa and Più Uno), fail at the end of October within the Bureau of the Chamber of Deputies: with 9 votes against and 6 in favour, Magi’s request to create a new parliamentary group under the name ‘Più Europa-Centro Democratico, United States of Europe’ – comprising Bruno Tabacci (and his Centro Democratico), Luca Pastorino, Benedetto Della Vedova (Più Europa, but with a more centrist stance than Magi’s, in the sense of dialogue with the Calendians) and Aboubakar Soumahoro (formerly of AVS; he is remembered for his early days in rubber wellington boots and for the strange affair involving his relatives). The majority voted against, the opposition in favour, while the centrists from Azione and Italia Viva – namely MPs Roberto Giachetti and Antonio D’Alessio – were absent. This sparked controversy both over the absences and over the Bureau, which was accused of “engaging in electoral politics”. Hence the need for Più Europa and Più Uno (backed by Tabacci’s Centro Democratico) to collect signatures regardless; although, as Più Europa has a contingent within the Mixed Group, these signatures will be a foregone conclusion compared to the total required (just 1,500). The same applies to Alessandro Onorato’s Progetto Civico and Maraio’s Nuovo PSI, to whom the M5S has ‘lent’ Senator Luigi Nave. And it is here, amidst this series of interlinked scenarios and events, that the political landscape of the centre reveals itself in all its multifaceted complexity. The first complexity was exemplified by the soothsayer Angelo Bonelli, co-founder of AVS with Nicola Fratoianni, with the prophetic statement: “There could be two centres (on the centre-left, ed.)”. And so the other characters in this mystery – known as ‘what will become of the fourth leg?’ – enter the scene. Note: these figures are affiliated with a particular party (and thus a political group) but come and go, as extras and supporting players, from other political formations.

Progetto Civico Italia (Alessandro Onorato). Starting from the end – in the sense of the most recent events – we see Onorato, Councillor for Tourism, Sport, Fashion and Major Events in the Gualtieri administration, at the general assembly of his PcI, which began as a civic movement (comprising mayors, local councillors and citizens involved in local government) in the autumn of 2025 and later became a political party, under the benevolent eye of the Democratic Party guru Goffredo Bettini (at the first gathering, in Rome on 20 October 2025, the guests included – and every clue counts today in the eyes of the pundits – the former Five Star Movement Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte and the mayors of Genoa and Naples, Silvia Salis and Gaetano Manfredi). As for Gualtieri, who was present at the ‘States General’ and at the launch of Onorato’s campaign, he now faces a dilemma: is it appropriate or not for one of his councillors to stand in the primaries (and Onorato has already stated on several occasions that he will stand)? In the Campidoglio area, more than a few are shaking their heads, and a resounding ‘no’ looms on the horizon (though today Onorato will be at the Auditorium on Via della Conciliazione for the official launch of the mayor’s re-election campaign). At the Stati generali meeting, alongside the president and former leader of Controcorrente, Ismaele La Vardera, Onorato has begun forging an alliance with Enzo Maraio, secretary of Avanti-Psi. “In the primaries, everyone will go it alone, bringing their own added value; the union will come later,” the PcI leader told this newspaper a few days ago, adding later, in La Repubblica, that “either the centre unites” or he will stand in the primaries, and that – given the timetable – “there is no need” to resign from his post as councillor. Also at the Stati generali – a US-style convention complete with T-shirts and caps – as well as hammering home the point that “it can’t be done” (as the others say), but “it can be done” (as the PcI says), Onorato presented “ten policy proposals with funding”, and laid out the figures: “We have over 12,000 members; we are present in more than 1,000 Italian municipalities”. Last but not least: when asked about Renzi, Onorato says: “We’re different; we come from the grassroots; we’re civic-minded. Renzi is a different story” (never mind Renzi’s own civic beginnings as the former mayor of Florence). And when asked about Ernesto Maria Ruffini, Onorato replies: “We speak often”.

Più Uno (Ernesto Maria Ruffini with Franco Gabrielli). The party led by the former director of the Italian Revenue Agency was founded on 10 October following a lengthy tour of Italy, initially as a movement and, before that, as a book, which was viewed very favourably by circles already aligned with Prodi and by sections of the centre-left not far removed from the Quirinale. Ruffini himself had also, back in September, considered the idea of standing in open primaries with the aim, he said, of ‘broadening support’, precisely because Più Uno had been founded to ‘engage people’, perhaps even those who no longer vote. However, as events unfolded, Ruffini himself, flanked by former prefect Franco Gabrielli, took the plunge and set aside the risk of personal agendas: “The forces outside the broad coalition should present a single list, even in the primaries.” In short, the concept is: “Let’s find common ground.” Among the proposals presented in Rome – covering welfare, security, housing, the South and healthcare – was the ‘pre-filled rights form’, which reverses the ‘burden of proof’ and the bureaucratic burden between the state and the citizen. When they are called ‘cops and tax collectors’, Gabrielli replies: ‘Still better than a tax evader and a criminal’. As for Renzi and the mistrust towards him within the Conte and Onorato camps, as well as some reservations within the Più Europa camp, Ruffini has repeatedly emphasised the point: no vetoes, no vetoes, no vetoes.

Avanti-PSI (Enzo Maraio). An ally of Onorato’s ‘Progetto Civico Italia’, Maraio, secretary of the new PSI, presents himself as the moderate face of the pre-election alliance with the Roman councillor. Regarding Renzi, at the end of October, he had said: “In this area, everyone is calling for unity, but I would have expected more from Renzi in particular: it is actions that count, and the facts tell us that at the Leopolda he did not invite any of the key figures to whom he is now pretending to reach out”. As a joint holder of the future electoral “master key” thanks to the generous gesture by Senator Luigi Nave of the M5S (who opposed the excessive collection of signatures), Maraio has set himself the goal of “uniting and innovating”. And what about the primaries? “Onorato would be an excellent candidate,” he says.

Primavera (Vincenzo Spadafora). A former minister in the Conte II government, former president of UNICEF Italy, and founder of the Primavera association – which aims to encourage those who no longer vote to return to the polls by engaging disillusioned citizens “starting with professionals, universities and associations” – Spadafora has been shouting himself hoarse for months: let’s form a Constituent Assembly (of the centre of the centre-left). But the responses have been rather discouraging. Hence: Spadafora is standing in the primaries, though hoping it won’t come to that: “Let’s be honest with ourselves,” he tells his centrist colleagues on the centre-left: “Our parties remain stuck below 1 per cent: I find the debate about Renzi incomprehensible. His 2.5 per cent represents a million voters: do we want to veto this electorate?” Today, Spadafora will be heard during the first collective video call of the broad coalition. Will anyone be willing to listen? At local level, in Rome, and in Parliament, alongside Paolo Ciani, the centre-left can also count on Demos (Solidarity Democracy), situated on the border between the centre and the left.

The post-Christian Democrat figures Clemente Mastella (Noi di Centro) and Bruno Tabacci (Centro Democratico). Long-standing key figures in post-DC centrism, seasoned politicians who have served under three different republics, they act as wise counsellors but also, often, as key contributors when the political landscape becomes too complex for a simple two-party system. Mastella says that his 0.7 per cent would be decisive in securing a victory for the centre-left, but he criticises Schlein and Conte’s obsession with primaries: ‘This is just bending over backwards to ensure Meloni wins,’ is his quip alluding to the narrow ‘broad coalition’, adding that it would be better to unify. In any case, ‘without the centre, we’re at a dead end’. Bruno Tabacci, on the other hand, with his Democratic Centre, is also seen as the ideal ‘facilitator’ for newly formed forces, helping them navigate the hurdle of the aforementioned absurd signature-gathering exercise (Ruffini and Magi know a thing or two about that), yet he is equally opposed to the idea of an ‘ordeal-like primary’ between Schlein and Conte. Citing Prodi, Tabacci has often highlighted the need to focus on the programme.

‘Il Centro’ – a name that speaks for itself – will be the name of the list with which the secretary of Azione and former minister Carlo Calenda, as Calenda himself told this newspaper two days ago, will stand in the elections with the ambition of aligning with neither the centre-right nor the centre-left and of remaining stubbornly independent of the two ‘bipopulist’ camps. Standing alone, yet united with the other forces operating in this sphere. Namely, Spazio Pubblico, led by Pina Picierno, the former Democratic Party vice-president of the European Parliament; the Einaudi Foundation, also acting as an incubator for ideas; and the Libdems (and here another problem arises: with which Libdems can Azione form an alliance, is the question, given the recent internal split: Secretary Luigi Marattin is in dialogue with the centre-right and does not rule out an agreement (“if they are roses, they will bloom”, he said), whilst President Andrea Marcucci wants to remain, like Calenda, stubbornly equidistant. Meanwhile, the secretary’s line has secured a majority in the executive committee – 27 to 50 – and in the local governing bodies). On the situation within the centre of the centre-left, Picierno is critical (regarding the primaries and many of the positions taken). Calenda, on the other hand, is blunt: “But how can they (the reformists on the centre-left, ed.) stay there, given that they don’t see eye to eye with Conte on anything, with a PD that follows Conte?” And again: “We do not position ourselves in the centre out of a philosophical choice, but because on certain matters of principle there can be no compromise.” And Renzi, a former ally in the Third Pole that exploded and imploded? “I don’t understand him,” says Calenda. And Onorato? “Progetto Civico Italia is like the Peasants’ Party in communist Poland, a creation of Bettini.” And Ruffini and Gabrielli? “A question mark.”

The centrists within the centre-right. And here we enter a realm of utopia or dystopia, depending on the viewer’s perspective (dystopia for Meloni and Schlein). Indeed, there are many potential ‘centres-of-the-centre’ within the centre-right: These range from certain factions within Forza Italia – the aforementioned Roberto Occhiuto is not alone – to the stance of Maurizio Lupi, Mara Carfagna and Mariastella Gelmini’s Noi Moderati, right through to the centrist-autonomist enigma of Sud Chiama Nord led by Taormina’s mayor Cateno De Luca, fresh from an electoral pact with Fratelli d’Italia aimed at counterbalancing Vannacci. However, the true extent of the orthodox centrism of the dynamic Cateno-Scateno remains uncertain, as he is now allied with the so-called ‘centre-right civic groups’, the ‘Sindaci d’Italia’. On the left, in the Onorato camp, they claim their model has been copied by Meloni’s supporters. Who knows.