Politics
the editor’s editorial •
The incredible story of the PD, which is fuelling anti-Schlein rumours behind the scenes but shying away from the primaries
The elections are causing concern amongst the ruling majority, who fear losing them, but they are also exposing an opposition that has never been so weak in the history of our Republic, daunted by the (crucial) choice of candidate

Photo: ANSA
The majority’s frantic rush to pass a new electoral law reveals, as the opposition rightly points out, a genuine fear on the part of the centre-right: that of losing the forthcoming elections. But the introduction of a new electoral law – which received a favourable vote in the Senate yesterday – with the final vote in the Chamber of Deputies on 28 September, officially marks the start of a complex period of decision-making for the centre-left. Whilst accusing the majority of being afraid of losing the elections, the centre-left realises it finds itself in an ideal position to try and lose them – a situation that would be more unique than rare, given the total absence in the history of our Republic of opposition parties so weak as to be unfavourable in general elections. The key decision at the heart of the centre-left’s agenda centres on the coalition primaries (the new electoral law introduces a provision that, in a rather diabolical twist, forces the coalition to nominate a prime ministerial candidate not on the ballot paper but within the manifesto). Yet, day by day, the primaries are turning into a farce. Schlein and Conte say they want them, but after the manifesto – which Conte has promised to finalise by September, although first they must ask Nova members (on 20 September) for their ideas – and Schlein has also said that the manifesto cannot be drawn up without first listening to the grassroots (soon another step will be added: ‘first the Constitutional Court, then the manifesto, then the primaries’).
The so-called ‘broader’ debate on the coalition primaries has helped to divert attention from another issue which, mysteriously, does not seem to interest the largest opposition party. The PD’s Constitution stipulates that the secretary’s term of office lasts four years (12 March 2027), that an election for a new leader must be called six months before the end of the term (12 September 2026), and that to extend the term, Article 51 of the PD’s Constitution must be amended by an absolute majority of all members of the National Assembly (which has not yet been convened). Schlein wants the extension (which is why she wants to delay the coalition primaries as long as possible). The rest of the PD – despite being filled with first-, second- and third-tier leaders who worry that the current centre-left leadership (Conte and Schlein) may be inadequate to win the elections – seems fully intent on trading the secretary’s term extension for a few more places on the electoral list and a few more posts promised in a possible future government. The underlying argument is that a leader cannot be questioned before the elections. It is an intriguing argument, but, with all due respect, a nonsensical one: is there a more inappropriate time than an election campaign to decide who will lead the country – and to ask voters not to express a preference regarding a party’s leadership?
If the PD fears that (a) its candidate for Prime Minister is not strong enough, (b) that the M5S candidate is more popular, and (c) that there are more suitable figures to lead the coalition, it cannot afford to find this out once the damage is done; rather, it must do everything possible to strengthen its leadership as much as possible (which would also benefit Schlein) by assessing whether the alternatives have clout only in the newspapers’ back pages or in reality as well. Is there room for Roberto Gualtieri? Is Silvia Salis an option? The prospect of an immediate election (in November) might have justified the decision to put things on hold. The possibility of a vote at the natural end of the term (September, but also late spring) could reopen the contest (the primaries) – one that does not depend on what the M5S wants to do, on the coalition programme, or on the Constitutional Court – and which can only be sidestepped in the presence of indolence (pardon me), opportunism, and cowardice—traits we are certain are not present within the PD. Unless, of course, they choose the PD primaries as the ideal arena in which to deploy the famous army of defectors. No, thank you.