Too many mayors are imposing restricted traffic zones (ZTL), so the right is being tempted by the popular Sardone

In the world of Milanese politics, it has always been repeated like a mantra: the mayor is chosen by the Milanese bourgeoisie. A group that is not small in number, but one with a strong penchant for understatement, far removed from the clamour of terraces and public events, which has always managed to select the city’s top leadership. And it has – generally speaking – always chosen well. First, during the long centre-right administration, with the two terms of Gabriele Albertini (married to Giovanna Vismara, daughter of the building contractor Peppino) and Letizia Moratti (Brichetto Arnaboldi). Then, during the equally long period of centre-left government, with the terms of Giuliano Pisapia (son of the Neapolitan jurist Giandomenico – here we move into the ranks of Milan’s professional middle class) and Beppe Sala (formerly a top-level manager at Pirelli and Telecom).

Looking at the names of the contenders currently in the running on both sides, it is clear that the vast majority of them – even those one might least expect – fit the social profile of the well-to-do, if not upper, Milanese middle class. Friendships, connections. Mario Calabresi has always moved in the upper echelons of publishing and business. Pierfrancesco Majorino is the son of Giorgio Majorino, one of the most renowned psychoanalysts; he is married to Caterina Sarfatti, daughter of the late Riccardo, of Arteluce and Luceplan. Anna Scavuzzo initially moved in the circles of the Milanese Renzi supporters, all of whom belong to the influential middle class. As deputy mayor with responsibility for urban planning, she won the appreciation of those in the construction industry in Milan, who certainly do not come from the working classes. Lorenzo Pacini is a politician from central Milan, backed by a middle-class family whose status is in no way at odds with his ambition to be the ‘Milanese Mamdani’ (not even the Mayor of New York came from the suburbs). Carlotta Cossutta, granddaughter of Armando—a historic Communist figure and lecturer in political philosophy—has links and friendships with Milan’s middle-class left, a movement-oriented and feminist group, endowed with the will and strength to support her. Tommaso Goisis has stated that he comes from the Milanese middle class: he owns his own home and is the son of doctors. Emmanuel Conte is the son of a former Socialist minister from Salerno and a high-ranking banking executive. And on the right? Matteo Perego Di Cremnago is a candidate whose support is growing rapidly in Zone 1. A great-grandson of Giuseppe Cambiaghi, founder of a renowned hat-making firm in Monza, he worked for years as a top manager at Armani. Then there is Maurizio Lupi, who certainly has neither noble nor high-society origins; he comes from the Olmi family. Yet his political career has led him to join the inner circle of Milan’s power elite.

Let’s be clear: the Milan that matters is not to be demonised. The old and new Milanese bourgeoisie, always very discreet, is an asset to Milan. There are those who belong to it, those who have been admitted to it, and those who do not. Silvia Sardone is not one of them. Of all the politicians, she is the one who hails from Sesto San Giovanni and remains utterly loyal to Salvini’s populism (another figure not exactly from the elite). Salvini wants her; he wants to impose her on the centre-right, which has always relied on other figures. Is she the best choice for Milan? That remains to be seen, and one might well have some doubts, given that she is more focused than anyone else on the issue of security – which is certainly important, but which is just as certainly a matter for the state. As well as taking on the ‘Maranza’ crowd, before becoming mayor one must outline a broader and more comprehensive programme. One must navigate with grace between La Scala and the banking foundations, between the worlds of finance and property, and the city’s significant third sector. Her candidacy, however, stands out from the backgrounds of all the others. The daughter of a socialist bus driver, a Forza Italia supporter throughout her youth and later a loyal member of the Lega, she has climbed every rung of her political career on her own. With three million followers on social media, she does not shy away from open controversy, a loud or very loud tone of voice – the opposite of understatement. On holiday, she stays in a small guesthouse in Romagna with fewer stars than General Carmelo Burgio, and she boasts about it. The Milanese middle class does not regard her as one of their own. She focuses on the suburbs. Given that working-class neighbourhoods have seen record levels of abstention in recent elections, one wonders whether a potential candidacy of hers would be rewarded or not. Sardone faces many unknowns but one certainty: in Zone 1, they neither love her nor vote for her. But if she were to bring social housing residents back to the polls, that would be a different story.