Trump has been trying to force Ukraine to capitulate for months, says Kallas, but he is failing to do so, thanks to Europe

The words spoken by the High Representative of the European Union to the European Parliament reflect what many European leaders think but dare not say. As a former Estonian Prime Minister, Kallas is convinced that only by increasing pressure on Russia will a lasting peace be achieved, by persuading Putin to accept a ceasefire 
21 OCT 26
Translated by AI
Image of Trump has been trying to force Ukraine to capitulate for months, says Kallas, but he is failing to do so, thanks to Europe

The High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Kaja Kallas (Photo: La Presse)

The European High Representative, Kaja Kallas, yesterday offered a rare moment of truth, accusing Donald Trump’s administration of trying to force Volodymyr Zelensky to capitulate in the war waged by Russia for almost five months. “Although American negotiators have been trying to push Ukraine into surrender for a year and a half now, the reason Ukraine has not surrendered to Putin’s terms is that Europe has supported it,” said Kallas. Her undiplomatic remarks are likely to earn her a reprimand. Ursula von der Leyen, like many national leaders, does not dare to criticise Trump. Will the Commission President try to take advantage of this to strip Kallas of further powers? 
In a non-paper on the reform of the European External Action Service, Italy defends the role of the High Representative. The words spoken aloud by Kallas in the European Parliament reflect what many European leaders think but dare not say. A former Estonian Prime Minister, Kallas is convinced that only by increasing pressure on Russia will a lasting peace be achieved, by persuading Putin to accept a ceasefire. However, Kallas was not present to represent the EU at the talks held yesterday in Oslo. Instead, Bjoern Seibert, Chief of Staff to Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, joined the national security advisers from France, the United Kingdom and Germany in discussions with Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner. The same scenario had already unfolded in Miami earlier this month. This is one of the consequences of the institutional confusion surrounding the EU’s foreign policy. The Commission, not the European External Action Service (EEAS), manages the economic sanctions dossier. It is therefore von der Leyen who has secured a seat at the table for her chief of staff.
The Commission President has long been engaged in an internal struggle within the EU to secure powers and responsibilities over foreign policy, whilst discrediting and undermining Kallas’s role. Von der Leyen has received backing from Germany, which, at the end of the summer, presented a series of proposals alongside France to reform the EEAS. Berlin and Paris, however, have two opposing views on the High Representative. Germany wants to dismantle the EEAS to the benefit of the Commission President. France defends Kallas as the voice of the Member States and intends to strengthen his role in the face of von der Leyen. It is against this backdrop that Italy’s ‘non-paper’ – circulated amongst the capitals on Monday – comes into play. The Foreign Minister, Antonio Tajani, had shared it with Kallas during his recent visit to Rome. At the Farnesina, it is explained that Italy has no intention of taking sides in the feud between von der Leyen and Kallas. The aim is to bring order to the institutions and make the EEAS function more effectively, in accordance with the Treaties. However, the line is very similar to that of France: it is the foreign ministers who steer foreign policy through the High Representative, not the Commission.
Like France, Italy is calling for the role of the High Representative within the Commission to be strengthened to ensure greater coherence in the EU’s external action. Kaja Kallas – or whoever takes her place in future – should fulfil her role as ‘second-in-command’ within the Commission, acting on the Council’s mandate. Her task should be that of a ‘strategic coordinator’ for policies and commissioners with an external dimension. At present, it is von der Leyen – together with her chief of staff – who monopolises political decisions on trade, development aid, humanitarian aid, enlargement, the Mediterranean neighbourhood and the Middle East. Her influence extends as far as the Gulf states. Even the commissioners responsible for individual portfolios are sidelined when decisions are taken, or relegated to the role of mere executors.
Like Paris, Rome is also calling for the prerogatives of Member States to be preserved within the Common Foreign and Security Policy. The EEAS should operate as a ‘coordination hub’ between Member States and the EU institutions. The current balance between EU officials and national diplomats seconded to Brussels for a limited period should also be maintained. The EEAS should act as an “honest broker”, following the guidelines of the Foreign Affairs Council, on which Tajani and his fellow foreign ministers sit.
Reading between the lines of the ‘non-paper’, the frustration of national foreign ministers over the evolution of the EU’s political and institutional practices becomes apparent. It is no longer the foreign ministers, but the heads of state and government who are taking strategic decisions for the EU. Italy wishes to tackle the reform of the EEAS as part of a broader review of foreign policy governance. According to the document, foreign ministers should play a greater strategic role in key external actions that go beyond foreign policy, as well as being involved in the preparation of meetings of heads of state and government at the European Council. Although Italy does not wish to come between Ursula and Kaja, Kallas welcomed the ‘non-paper’, which demonstrates what the majority of Member States want: to exercise control over the Commission’s foreign policy actions, whilst keeping the EEAS alive.