What Von der Leyen said in her State of the Union address

President Metsola,

Prime Minister Carney,

Honourable Members of Parliament,

“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times.” With these words, Charles Dickens describes Europe during the French Revolution. And these very words are an accurate description of the world in which we live. We are facing changes that are taking place at an incredible pace and unprecedented challenges. Therefore, when I look at Europe today, this is how I see it: the state of the Union is as strong as it has ever been, and yet the state of the Union may seem as precarious as it has ever been.

These two statements may seem incompatible, but they are both true. And both reflect these exceptional times, this complex era of great possibilities and great dangers, an era in which all countries are trying to find their way.

In this world, Europe has chosen to chart its own course. What is now emerging is a stronger and more independent Europe.

This is a Europe that safeguards its own prosperity, that is freeing itself from its toxic dependence on Russian fossil fuels, that has become the world’s largest trading power, and that is transforming industrial policy whilst upholding the unique European social model.

This is a Europe that is more capable than ever of defending itself, one that has radically rethought its approach to territorial security and has increased defence spending by almost 80 per cent in the last five years alone.

This is a Europe of mutual support, such as the support for Ukraine, which is committed to fighting for its own future and for European freedom, or the support for Greenland in the face of the threats it has faced, or the support for our democracies, which are the targets of drones, hybrid attacks or disinformation.

All this demonstrates one thing: that Europe stands shoulder to shoulder with Europeans. And that, in the icy fragility of today’s world, only Europe can provide Europeans with true sovereignty.

And this, honourable Members, is therefore a Europe of which we can be very proud.

 

At the same time, we are all aware of the threats we face. With the assumptions and relationships of the past crumbling, we must now contend with an openly hostile world. A war of territorial aggression is raging across our continent; other conflicts have erupted in neighbouring regions; global competition is shaped by rivalries over the development of industrial capabilities; and a clash of narratives aims to undermine confidence in Europe and paralyse our democracies.

However, citizens’ concerns are not limited to these major global threats. The effects of multiple crises are a reality for many European families, not least the impact on the cost of living and housing. The dizzying pace of change and technological developments is affecting jobs, livelihoods and society, and is also having a profound impact on democracy and public debate.

We see this in the rise of extremism and the decline of nuance, including in the way we relate to one another.

Genuine concerns are being exploited to create divisions amongst us, sometimes from outside and, all too often, from within. But the path forward is clear: to build an independent Europe that has the power to act. Nothing can divert us from this goal, because in today’s world, Europe’s destiny must remain in the hands of Europeans.

The choice is therefore clear. Do we want a strong and independent Europe that defends its values in this world? Or do we want to allow ourselves to be held back by divisions and dependencies? Do we want to unite around the European idea that, together, we can determine our own destiny? Or do we want to allow proxies and puppets manipulated by authoritarian figures to undermine our democracies?

Whether we are discussing ultra-nationalists or anti-Europeans, Russian interference or disinformation: the name may change, but the aim remains the same. These actors scorn European values and seek to tear European unity apart. Therefore, let us not merely fight against these threats: let us fight together for our vision of Europe.

 

Honourable Members,

The European economy has weathered the impact of the wars in the Middle East better than expected, and unemployment rates are at record lows. However, the pressures arising from rising energy prices and financial costs are weighing heavily on citizens and businesses.

Clear budgetary decisions will need to be made to ensure the sustainability of public finances whilst safeguarding investment. Revitalising the European economy is therefore the top priority.

We have a huge market, world-class industries and services, substantial savings reserves and one of the world’s leading currencies. Yet we continue to fragment European capital, networks and purchasing power.

For this reason, at the start of our term of office, we set out a bold plan: to build an economy in which innovation and energy flow across borders, in which businesses compete and grow throughout Europe, and in which savings finance the future. This is the rationale behind the Draghi and Letta reports. And together, we continue to deliver results. But we must act more swiftly – all institutions.

We have now reached a political agreement on the ‘One Europe, One Market’ roadmap and, together, by the end of next year, we can and must complete this historic overhaul of the single market.

In today’s economy, speed is essential. A single authorisation or a simple form, an internet connection or a funding decision: all these factors can determine where an investment goes and where jobs are created. We need to move much more quickly: that is why we will be putting forward proposals to further speed up the granting of authorisations.

When it comes to projects that are in Europe’s strategic interest, we must accelerate their development exponentially. And where administrative burdens are holding back businesses and SMEs, we must reduce them.

As is already known, the 12 omnibus proposals put forward are expected to reduce administrative costs by approximately 17 billion euros per year. However, simplification cannot be a one-way street; every level must play its part. The damage caused by over-regulation has been discussed for some time.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

Yes, we are doing our best at European level to cut red tape, but I believe the time has now come for the Member States to take action. If we are to achieve genuine simplification, we also need a pact against over-regulation.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

Europe cannot remain an industrial power if its energy prices remain structurally too high.

When Russia cut off gas supplies, the response was swift, and today the sources of supply are more diversified. Significant investments have been made—and continue to be made—in domestically produced clean energy, including renewables and nuclear power.

But then came the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. And once again we have paid the bitter price for our global dependence on fossil fuel imports. Since the start of the conflict, fossil fuel imports have cost us an extra 90 billion euros, without adding a single molecule of energy.

We must therefore step up the production of clean, affordable energy generated domestically. Whether this comes from renewables and nuclear power, or from biomethane and other sources. The technology is of little importance. What matters is that this energy makes us independent.

To achieve independence, we need to electrify Europe. We aim to double the share of electricity by 2040. In this way, Europe could reduce the cost of fossil fuel imports by 260 billion euros a year. However, we must also ensure the availability of the electricity we produce.

Last year we installed over 80 gigawatts of renewable energy capacity, but a capacity six times greater is still awaiting connection to the grid. For this reason, we urgently need the grid package.

We need to invest more quickly. Speed up internet connections. Boost storage capacity. In short: let’s electrify Europe’s future!

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

We can reduce energy prices, invest and innovate more, and reform our economies, but all these initiatives risk being in vain if EU businesses do not compete on a level playing field.

Our trade deficit with China has now reached one billion euros – per day – a situation that marks a critical juncture. Some claim that the second ‘China shock’ is imminent. But the truth is that we are already in the midst of it. It can be seen in communities and factories across the EU, and is leading to the deindustrialisation of Europe’s industrial heartland. This situation is unsustainable.

And that is why we have initiated a dialogue with China to restore balance to our trade relations. But now this dialogue must bear fruit. The weakening of domestic demand means that China also needs the European market. It is therefore in both parties’ interests to work together to find solutions.

Let me be clear: we will use every tool at our disposal to restore balance to our relations with China. Words are all well and good. But actions matter more.

I would like to add another point. We are still bound by too many dangerous dependencies. Our dependence on China exceeds 80 per cent for many critical raw materials and reaches 90 per cent for certain rare earths. We have achieved a great deal, but we are not the only ones attempting to diversify. We must urgently acquire and build up reserves.

No country can manage this on its own. That is why we need to change our perspective. For this reason, we will establish a new European Company for Critical Raw Materials, which will assist us with procurement and stockpiling as required: from electric cars to microprocessors and batteries, through to clean technologies and defence. And much more besides.

Not only does our industry depend on this, but so do our independence and security.

Which brings me to my next point: funding. To be clear: the EU budget is projected into the future. And any modern budget requires new own resources.

We must create the necessary conditions to enable our businesses to attract investment and grow. Hence the crucial importance of our work on the Savings and Investment Union. However, the development of capital markets takes time. And the needs of our businesses are urgent. We need a banking system geared towards growth, not just stability.

For this reason, we will be presenting a new package for the banking sector focused on simplification and overcoming fragmentation. The demand for capital exists; we know that. But we need greater capacity and a greater appetite for risk.

Our deep-tech start-ups are on track to attract record levels of venture capital investment in 2026. That is why, last year, I announced a new fund, Scaleup Europe.

A year on, the initial investments have materialised in companies such as ICEYE. This company was founded by two young Europeans: Rafał from Poland and Pekka from Finland. They met around 15 years ago during an Erasmus exchange. Together, they founded a tech start-up. They developed their idea based on satellite imagery. They secured funding under the Horizon Europe programme. They demonstrated the value of their technology in practice. They have grown thanks to private investment. And today they are among the world’s leading companies in the space technology sector, with offices in Finland, Poland, Spain and Greece.

ICEYE is proof of this: innovation is alive and well in Europe, and we are capable of reviving the European entrepreneurial spirit.

Today I am delighted to welcome the founders here among us. Let us all welcome Rafał and Pekka. Yours is a true European success story.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

These are the economic fundamentals of Europe. But our future prosperity and security will depend to a large extent on how we deal with the key issues of our time: climate change and AI.

As far as climate change is concerned, the summer just gone was the ‘summer of truth’. Almost no part of our continent was spared. In the Hautes Fagnes in Belgium, a centuries-old peat bog caught fire and was reduced to a sea of ash.

Fires have raged from the mountains of Ireland to the islands of Greece and Croatia. In the Alps, ancient glaciers are retreating further every day. The impact of all this is simply devastating: 660,000 hectares completely burnt; around 12 million tonnes of crops lost.

Major rivers such as the Danube, the Rhine and the Garonne are disappearing before our very eyes.

Over 35,000 additional deaths during heatwaves. Care homes and hospitals dangerously overheated. And this is just the tip of the iceberg.

We are leaving behind the hottest summer months on record, but probably the coolest in years to come.

The science is clear: Europe is warming at twice the rate of the rest of the world. Of course, the transition is complex. We will have to adapt and learn as we go along.

However, there is no doubt about it: Europe can and must stay on course to achieve the climate targets it has set itself, and it will do so.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

This is not a question of choosing between mitigation and adaptation. Both are necessary. And they must reinforce one another. This is the only way to achieve resilience to climate change. But to do so, we must significantly step up our preparedness.

Next month we will be presenting a new framework for climate change resilience. We will identify 100 of the most vulnerable areas in Europe. We will assess the risks and determine the level at which they should be managed.

This approach will be rolled out across the whole of society, right down to the local level – where adaptation is of the utmost importance – with the aim of making Europe a leader in adaptation technologies: an emerging market of enormous proportions.

Whether it’s drought-resistant crops, flood prevention or energy-efficient cooling, Europe is already a leader. And we must make this market our own.

Today, only around 25 per cent of losses caused by disasters in Europe are covered by private insurance. This means that, all too often, national budgets act as the insurer of last resort.

We must take action to address this shortfall. That is why the Commission will establish an Alliance for Climate Risk Insurance.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

What happened this summer must not be allowed to happen again. That is why we will shortly be presenting a European plan to tackle heatwaves. We need more effective early-warning systems, better healthcare preparedness, and measures to help cities adapt and keep them cool. And we must support the most vulnerable people.

Second issue: water and food security.

We are aware of the risks that water scarcity poses to agriculture, energy and supply chains. Yet nearly a quarter of the volume of water in the European water system is lost, mostly due to leaks. This is a huge waste. We will therefore be presenting a new European initiative on water. Because water is a precious resource, both for our industry and for our food security.

Water is essential for crops to grow and for livestock to survive. Entire harvests depend on water resources. We will therefore put forward proposals to improve risk management and address gaps in insurance cover.

Once again, in this never-ending summer, European farmers have risen to the challenge.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

European farmers are the best in the world, and we will stand by them every step of the way.

My next point concerns forest fires, which are becoming increasingly intense, frequent and widespread.

I am proud of Europe’s response and of the European aircraft that have provided assistance across the continent, but it is clear that we need to think bigger and learn faster.

For this reason, we have asked some of Europe’s most experienced firefighters and emergency responders to lead the work. They will examine all aspects of preparedness and prevention, from coordination between civilian and military units to the need for new capabilities. I have asked them to put forward proposals, including on a future European fire-fighting fleet.

This year alone, our emergency response teams have saved countless lives and homes. I would like to share the story of Danish pilot Rune Kyndal.

His passion for flying took him all over the world, until he settled in the Canadian town of Terrace. Rune became one of the country’s most experienced civilian pilots, but he wanted to put his talent to work for a greater cause. He returned to Europe to help tackle forest fires across the continent.

In July, having successfully completed several missions in Greece, he was due to take a well-deserved break. But the crisis was at its height and Rune decided to stay on.

A few days later, he was the victim of a tragic accident, along with the fire safety coordinator who was accompanying him.

Both lost their lives; they went out as heroes.

I have asked Rune’s mother and brothers to attend today as guests of honour.

 

Dear Margit, Tue and Kaare,

It is an honour to have you with us. Rune gave his life to save others. Today, the whole of Europe is indebted to him.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

The second key issue of our times is artificial intelligence.

AI is rapidly becoming a cornerstone of our economy and our security. Europe has a clear position on this: we want to make the best possible use of artificial intelligence to improve society, quality of life and productivity.

I am convinced that, if used properly, AI can benefit humanity. But, as with any other new and powerful technology, we need to balance the risks against the opportunities. If we do not address the former, we will never be able to capitalise on the latter.

As the capabilities of the most advanced models – the so-called ‘frontier models’ – continue to improve, these risks are becoming increasingly clear.

The models currently under development will enable hacking on a scale never before imagined. And they will soon be in the hands of adversaries whose worldview is very different from our own.

At the same time, the dangers posed by self-improving models are also becoming increasingly apparent.

Incidents involving AI agents escaping their environment or inserting malicious code are just the tip of the iceberg. Following the HuggingFace incident, developers are sounding the alarm. And the CEOs of the most cutting-edge companies are warning that it is time to put the brakes on recursive self-improvement models. To slow down the pace of the race to the frontier.

If those developing these technologies have a clear vision, we should be no less so. The AI Regulation is obviously one of our strongholds, and it puts Europe in a position to shape the global response.

We will therefore work alongside partners who share our principles, such as Canada, the United Kingdom and others. We want to collaborate on model evaluation and verification, early warning systems, AI safety and much more.

I will invite leading cutting-edge laboratories to take part in a discussion on possible solutions to support sector-specific initiatives aimed at regulating the pace of the frontier race.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

It is also true that Europe will need its own capabilities, particularly to safeguard its own security.

We must remain in the running, as this is crucial to our independence. We must therefore significantly increase our computing capacity: we will present our ideas on how to enhance it in a clean and efficient manner.

We will develop new ways of utilising public and private funds to invest in the most promising European start-ups and businesses.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

By limiting the risks of artificial intelligence, we can maximise its benefits. We have already achieved a great deal, for example in terms of gigafactories and technological sovereignty. But the next stage of the race is not just about cutting-edge models. Let us look, for example, to the past, to movable-type printing: invented by a German, perfected and adopted throughout Western Europe.

We do not necessarily have to develop cutting-edge technology ourselves in order to reap the full benefits of it. The secret lies in creating the value that AI does not yet provide, in taking it off the screen and bringing it into the real economy and society: into factories, hospitals, precision farming, energy grids, self-driving vehicles and defence.

That is where its true value lies, and that is where Europe has an ace up its sleeve. We have world-class industries, backed by data of the highest quality. This data is an immense European treasure, a resource that can power bespoke industrial AI models.

Allow me to give an example from the social sector: breast cancer screening, an issue on which many of you are actively raising awareness. Mammography screening programmes reduce mortality among participants by around 30–40 per cent. Early diagnosis is essential, and this is precisely where AI can help.

AI-enhanced mammography makes it possible to detect more cancers, and at an earlier stage, during screening, enabling a greater number of women to beat the disease. We therefore need artificial intelligence for healthcare, but here too we must adopt a European perspective.

Do I want my doctor, with the help of AI, to have immediate access to all the data needed to make the most accurate diagnosis or prescribe the best treatment? Of course I do. But do I want my doctor to be a robot, assisted by AI? Certainly not. I don’t want a robot to tell me if I have cancer.

The point is that artificial intelligence should be a tool to assist our doctors, not to replace them.

This was merely an example. At present, we are focusing on five of the most high-value sectors where the potential of industrial AI is greatest and where we have data available: healthcare, transport, agri-food, advanced manufacturing, defence and space.

In November, we will be announcing groundbreaking initiatives across all five.

We will invite Member States, Members of the European Parliament, industry and the business community to join us in this ambitious European project.

Our approach is clear: we want artificial intelligence, and we want it to create more value, in a more responsible way, at a lower cost and with lower energy consumption. But above all, we want artificial intelligence with humans at the helm.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

This is the European perspective.

Many of the risks associated with artificial intelligence also have an impact on the EU’s social market economy. For some, AI may be a way of speeding up repetitive tasks and making better use of their skills. But it is clear that this will not be the case for all skills, generations and regions.

One need only think of young people and the difficulties they face simply in entering the world of work.

Our response must keep pace. From education to employment, AI must help people acquire skills, improve the quality of jobs and give workers a real opportunity.

For this reason, we need legislation on quality jobs, which we will present by the end of the year.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

Next year, we will mark the tenth anniversary of the European Pillar of Social Rights and continue to uphold its promise.

We will invest in our regions so that everyone has the ‘right to remain there’. We will launch a European care pact to tackle the challenges posed by the demographic changes we are witnessing.

We have recently proposed the first-ever piece of legislation on housing to regulate the issue of short-term lettings and property speculation.

This is because, honourable Members, being able to remain in one’s own region is not a privilege. Care is not a privilege. Having a home is not a privilege. All of these are rights.

When the pillar of social rights was proclaimed 10 years ago, the world was a different place, and our society has changed since then – improving in many respects, but deteriorating in others.

Today, our fundamental values are being called into question: there are those who would even like to roll back women’s rights and take us back to a time when we were second-class citizens.

We have fought hard for equal treatment, equal opportunities and equal pay.

Looking around, there are numerous participants: presidents, vice-presidents, group leaders, commissioners, MPs, staff members and ushers.

Let me therefore convey a clear message to those who need to hear it: women will not back down. We will defend our rights and continue to fight for our values every single day.

For this reason, together with my dear friend António Costa, we will organise a summit to uphold the firm principles of the pillar of social rights.

Times may change, technologies may change, but our values will not. In Europe, people will always come first.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

In these times marked by critical issues, we cannot achieve prosperity and security solely within our own borders.

This year, we have signed free trade agreements with India, Mercosur, Mexico, Australia and Indonesia.

We now have trade agreements with more than 80 countries – more than anyone else in the world – and businesses are asking us to carry on.

Today I am announcing a new international connectivity project that will link the South Caucasus and Central Asia directly to the European market via the so-called ‘central corridor’.

Our aim, through the Global Gateway, is to raise up to 12 billion euros in public and private investment, with the aim of diversifying routes, tripling trade flows and reducing transit times for goods by 2030.

To ensure that all this comes to fruition, we will organise a regional summit on connectivity with the Prime Minister of Bulgaria.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

These partnerships are a strategic choice for Europe, but also a response to the breakdown of the rules-based international system.

For some, the answer is to go it alone, but for us this is not a viable option. Europe will always play a leading role in defending the rules-based system, yet we can no longer rely on it as the sole means of safeguarding our interests, nor can we assume that the rules will protect us from the complex threats we face.

In this new world, we must urgently rethink partnerships and build global coalitions for our resilience and for our democracies.

Here too, only Europe, with its size and power, can take on a leading role.

This is why I invited the Prime Minister of Canada, Mark Carney, to be here with us today.

Mark, your presence here is a symbol of the enduring friendship between our peoples. The cultural, historical and personal ties that unite us are deeply rooted in the fabric of our societies.

And thanks to CETA, our trade in goods has grown by 75 per cent in less than a decade.

This demonstrates just how powerful our trade agreements are. We share the same worldview, from AI to climate change, from the Arctic to geopolitics. And we have presented a united front: on Ukraine, on defence, on raw materials, and on supply chains.

But above all, dear Mark, Europe and Canada believe in democracy.

They believe that power does not belong to the strongest, the richest or those who shout the loudest, but to all of us; that democracies are free to choose whom to work with.

Let us therefore join forces of our own free will. We will move from CETA to an Alliance for the Future, to create a common area of prosperity and economic security. We will work on smart manufacturing; we will establish a technological alliance; we will integrate our defence industrial bases; we will make the Arctic a joint flagship project; and we will address energy, critical minerals, batteries, as well as AI, quantum technologies, IT and economic security.

This is not about forming a partnership against others, but about joining forces.

In short, we want the EU’s relations with Canada to reach the highest possible level.

 

Dear Mark,

I have already indicated that we urgently need to rethink our partnerships. I would therefore like to begin the process of welcoming Canada as the EU’s first associate member.

We share an ocean, a set of values, a world view, and now we will also build a shared future: thank you for joining us.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

Europe’s faith in cooperation has always been inspired by peace. It is our raison d’être.

Today, peace is under threat: Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine is raging, and the threats are becoming increasingly pressing on our own territory too, as evidenced by last week’s events in Denmark, Lithuania and Poland. The attempt to attack us with a drone in Leipzig is further proof of this. We must be clear about what happened: this was an attack using military-grade equipment, carried out by Russian agents on European soil.

An attack not only on a Member State, but on the entire Union.

Honourable Members of Parliament, we will not allow this.

We must not delude ourselves about what is happening: the hybrid threats facing Europe are becoming less and less hybrid and less and less merely threats.

Cyber-attacks and acts of sabotage, fires and drone incursions. These are incidents that are increasing day by day. Therefore, as the threat level rises, Europe’s preparedness must also be stepped up.

For this reason, I will propose, together with the High Representative/Vice-President, a new European security strategy.

We already have many tools at our disposal and are strengthening our cooperation with NATO. However, the EU’s doctrine, institutions and decision-making processes have not kept pace with the new reality.

Our systems, originally designed for a different world, are driven by the laudable aim of seeking consensus and compromise. We must, however, assess whether they still serve the purpose for which they were conceived.

For example, Europe needs its own handbook on responding to hybrid threats. We urgently need to reach a consensus on how to respond to certain incidents, particularly those which, whilst not actual armed attacks, clearly threaten our security. In other words, a mechanism to complement NATO’s ‘Article 4’.

The time has come for Europe to adopt its own Article 4: an emergency security protocol that, when activated by a Member State, would oblige all Member States to convene and coordinate a European response, thereby preventing further escalation and mitigating the impact.

I believe we need to go even further.

We have long been discussing the creation of a forum for leaders to address the security of the European continent. With the participation of partners such as Canada, Norway, the United Kingdom, Ukraine and others.

This initiative is now even more urgent, given the nature and scale of the current risks. For this reason, we will be putting forward ideas for the establishment of a European Security Council.

The urgency is clear.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

This united front also guides our work on European defence.

The surge in defence spending has led to record levels of investment in our capabilities and forces.

New joint projects are beginning to take off. Our spending is now more European than ever.

Larger orders for our industry, greater interoperability and greater economies of scale. Now this approach must move to the next level.

The war in Ukraine has demonstrated the importance of strategic enablers – that is, the critical support resources and force multipliers upon which any credible defence is based. From air and missile defence to strategic transport and in-flight refuelling. From space to cyberspace.

These systems are essential, but they are not enough. Only a united Europe can achieve the scale required to implement them.

For this reason, I am proud to announce a new European instrument for strategic enablers, fully in line with NATO: because only a strong and credible European defence posture can guarantee our security.

Because there is no doubt about it: Europe will defend every single square metre of its territory.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

The men and women in Ukraine show us the meaning of these words every day.

Analysts anticipate that the coming winter will be a challenging period for Ukraine. However, it is also assessed that North Korean missiles and Russian drones are unlikely to succeed in breaking the Ukrainian resistance.

The Ukrainians are fighting for a cause. They are fighting for the survival of their state, for their identity, and for their freedom.

And they are also fighting for our freedom and our self-determination.

Even today, we have a duty to support Ukraine with all our might.

What does this mean in practical terms? Firstly, during the extremely harsh winter of war that lies ahead, we will offer Ukraine even greater support than in the past. Together with our partners, we will provide humanitarian aid and energy, and we will boost the country’s heating supply.

Secondly, we will strengthen Ukraine’s air defences. Last week, we approved, for the first time, the purchase of American Patriot defence missiles, which are to be delivered swiftly.

However, we must also collaborate to reduce our dependence on a single supplier.

For this reason, we aim to develop, together with Ukraine, a cost-effective and modular missile defence system.

At the heart of this collaboration is Freyja. Ukraine’s combat experience and innovative strength are combined with Europe’s technological leadership. And, of course, with our considerable production capacity.

Freyja is just the beginning. We need to do more. With the remaining SAFE funds, we will launch a new programme of joint projects with Ukrainian businesses.

Thirdly, we will tighten sanctions against Russia.

We must step up the pressure on Russia even further. It is not always necessary to impose new sanctions; it is primarily a matter of enforcing the existing ones.

EU sanctions are taking their toll. They are putting the Russian economy under enormous pressure. Russia is trying to circumvent them by any means possible. And we must close all the loopholes.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

This summer, Ukrainian cities were hit repeatedly every day.

In Kryvyi Rih, Russian drones struck a crowded shopping centre in broad daylight. They then struck it a second time, deliberately targeting the rescue workers who had rushed to help.

It is not just war. It is a deliberate strategy of terror.

However, the Ukrainians have repeatedly demonstrated that their spirit cannot be broken. This summer, a young girl exemplified that resilience to the entire world.

At the start of the war, Sasha was a six-year-old girl with a great passion: she loved gymnastics more than anything else. But in May, on a beautiful sunny day, a Russian missile struck her home. Sasha was pulled from under the rubble and spent two weeks in a coma. When she woke up, she discovered she had lost her left leg for good. It seemed as though her dream had crumbled along with her home.

However, Sasha did not give up. Just seven months after the attack, she returned to the gym with her new prosthesis. She trained harder than ever before and began to win one gold medal after another.

This summer, she took her "Dance for Freedom" on tour around the world. Her aim is to showcase to the world the resilience of the Ukrainian people in their struggle for freedom. She has inspired audiences at the Eiffel Tower, in Times Square, in Rio and in Tokyo.

Today, it aims to deliver its message directly to the heart of Europe.

Honourable Members of Parliament, please join me in welcoming Sasha.

Sasha, you are a great inspiration to us all.

Slava Ukraini!

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

The profound suffering in Gaza and the unchecked violence of the settlers in the West Bank have deeply affected Europeans.

The Israeli government’s decision to press ahead with the illegal E1 settlement project is unacceptable.

Last year, I urged Europe to take action, proposing a series of measures.

For many people across our continent, it is distressing that Member States have failed to secure the majorities required for a unified response. Some Member States have taken action, whilst others are considering the possibility.

When Europe is divided, it is unable to change the course of events.

The coming months in the region will be crucial. Despite these challenges, Europe is at the forefront of supporting the Palestinians.

We have provided more aid than anyone else. Through the Donors’ Group for Palestine and the Team Gaza initiative, we have brought together 65 delegations. Together, we have committed to allocating nearly 1 billion euros towards reconstruction in Gaza and supporting a modern Palestinian Authority.

Europe supports Israel’s right to self-defence. And the Palestinian people have an equal right to live in safety and with dignity.

It is Europe’s duty to keep alive the hope of a solution based on the coexistence of two states.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

Throughout this speech, I have spoken of the need for Europe to act as one. Otherwise, it risks being torn apart.

Over the summer, this truth was once again put to the test at the EU’s borders.

From the eastern borders to the coasts of Crete, right across to the other side of the Mediterranean. Finally, of course, the crisis in Ceuta. These events are of a different nature. But they have two things in common. The first is the exploitation of vulnerable people. By unscrupulous traffickers and smugglers. By our adversaries. For this reason, we have proposed a sanctions regime to strike at the criminals’ weak points.

This brings me to the second parallel.

All the Union’s external borders are European borders. I would therefore like to address the Spanish people directly.

The border at Ceuta is a European border. Because Ceuta means Spain. Ceuta means Europe. And Europe will stand by your side.

The only possible solution is a European one, and that is the pact on migration and asylum.

After years of work, we finally have a common European framework, which assigns responsibilities to everyone and calls for solidarity from all. It must now be implemented in its entirety.

We are on the right track. Over the last two years, we have seen a 55 per cent reduction in illegal arrivals, with a further 35 per cent drop this year. This represents tangible progress.

However, the events of this summer demonstrate that our tools must evolve, particularly for emergency situations. Europe must have the means to protect its borders at all times. This is especially true in scenarios where mass movements are orchestrated and exploited. For this reason, we will propose a new European framework for emergency response.

It will only be activated on the basis of a set of strictly defined criteria. In such cases, it will allow for flexibility with regard to standard procedures, which will be time-limited and strictly circumscribed.

Europe’s message is clear: we will always uphold our fundamental values and rights. But we will never compromise on the protection of our borders. It is we Europeans who decide who enters the Union and under what circumstances. Not people smugglers or traffickers.

For this reason, we will work tirelessly to strengthen Frontex, in particular to speed up returns. We will improve early warning systems, including in partnership with third countries. We will ensure that we are able to identify and anticipate online events. Finally, we will continue to tackle the root causes of irregular migration.

We must work together with our neighbours to encourage investment. We must offer young people meaningful prospects, so that they are not forced to put their lives at risk. Jobs, skills, training courses, apprenticeships.

For this reason, I am today announcing a new initiative to promote skills and employment amongst young people in the Mediterranean.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

This is how we can reduce irregular migration. Defend the rights of those seeking protection. Facilitate safe and regular migration through new legal entry points in partner countries. And defend the freedoms of the Schengen Area. But above all, this shows that Europe can act in unity.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

Finding collective European solutions is more important than ever. Because European democracy is also under threat.

Once again, we have witnessed attempts to divide us through disinformation and foreign interference. Attempts to erode trust in the democratic fabric of the Union and in the freedom of its media. Election campaigns poisoned by foreign propaganda. Conspiracy theories built on deepfake videos that have gone viral.

We are facing a cognitive war. In Europe, we rely on reliable and independent information to form our opinions. This is how we debate, reach compromises and find solutions, even on controversial issues. This openness is our greatest strength. But our opponents exploit it to distort debates and twist the truth.

We therefore need a collective capacity to anticipate, identify and respond. For this reason, last year I announced the Centre for Democratic Resilience. Its results are already visible across all Member States and in this Parliament. We will step up our efforts by pooling resources with Member States and stakeholders.

However, we must not delude ourselves. The threats to our democracies do not come solely from outside. We are witnessing the rise of anti-democratic and anti-European forces. We are aware of the risks this entails.

But nothing is inevitable. Think of Hungary.

12 April will remain in our memories for a long time to come. On that day, the Hungarian people took their future into their own hands. They chose democracy. They chose Europe. They restored Hungary to its rightful place: at the heart of the Union.

After years of regression, the trend has begun to reverse. The fight against corruption and the capture of the state is gathering pace. We are seeing tangible progress on fundamental rights and academic freedom. And now, billions of euros of investment have been unlocked in Hungary.

Of course, there is still a lot of work to be done. But this example shows that with hard work, results can be achieved.

Thanks to the reports on the rule of law, it is now possible to identify any problems at an early stage and address them through dialogue.

Thanks to this Parliament, we have strengthened the link between the allocation of funds and respect for the rule of law.

With the next long-term budget, we must do even more. Respect for the rule of law and fundamental rights is an essential condition for receiving EU funding. It must be at the very heart of the budget. Now and in the future.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

The cornerstone of democracy is giving citizens the power to choose the kind of society in which they wish to live.

Today, parents have been stripped of much of this power. Young Europeans now spend between four and six hours a day in front of screens. Increasingly, children and teenagers are drawn into feeds designed to compel them to scroll endlessly through pages.

What we are witnessing is a colossal hijacking of our children. A hijacking of their attention, their concentration, their minds. It is robbing them of their childhood.

Our children need time to become their own people, to grow alongside others. To deal with all the emotions and choices that come with real life. They even need time to get bored. Because that is when they have to use their imagination. They need to talk, agree or disagree, form an opinion and change it.

From the moment they get a smartphone, children and teenagers are deprived of all this.

Day and night, parents see the cost: insomnia, anxiety, even self-harm.

All too often, this even leads to a fatal outcome. Such as the tragedy of Oléa, a 14-year-old girl who lived in Belgium.

Oléa took her own life exactly one month ago, a victim of online bullying.

The story is so dramatic and painful that I hesitated to mention it.

However, Oléa’s mother delivered a moving account of her daughter. She also spoke passionately about the need to prevent others from facing the same tragedy.

I wish to do justice to his words, so I will express in his language – French – the conviction that, were it not for these omnipresent networks, his daughter would still be here.

"I am convinced that without these ever-present social media platforms, my daughter would still be with us. It’s too much."

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

Oléa’s mother is correct: “C’est trop – it’s too much. Enough is enough.”

A special panel of experts has been convened. We have spoken to young people. We have examined the example of Australia and other countries that have taken action on this issue. Now it is Europe’s turn to act.

Tomorrow, the Commission will propose the EU KIDS legislative act on children online. We will follow a gradual and differentiated approach. Each age group has its own specific sensitivities. Therefore, a specific, targeted level of protection will be applied to each age group.

No social media before the age of 13. No personal accounts before the age of 15.

For those aged between 13 and 15, only ‘mini-accounts’ – created and supervised by parents, with limited functionality and time restrictions – will be permitted. For teenagers aged between 15 and 18, platforms will be required to implement safe design practices.

I realise that many people perceive the power of big tech as overwhelming. Impossible to counter.

I disagree.

We must not accept features that are addictive. We must not accept that children and young people are drawn towards increasingly extreme content. We must not accept that photos of girls are used to create AI-generated sexualised images.

Therefore, we will reverse the burden of proof.

Platforms will have to demonstrate that they are secure. Because this is not about European minors’ access to social media; it is about determining when and how to allow social media to access minors.

Europe has the power to act. We are the ones who decide our own rules, not the big tech companies.

However, children are not the only ones at risk. Addictive design, for example, harms everyone. That is why we need a broader framework: the Digital Fairness Bill. We will be proposing this in the autumn.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

All this demonstrates the results that Europe can achieve in the areas that really matter. But we must also win back the hearts of Europeans. We must foster a sense of belonging to something greater than ourselves.

Belonging to a shared home. Ensuring that we Europeans can always count on one another.

One need only look beyond our borders to realise just how much this idea of Europe is still very much alive.

Just think of Ukraine and Moldova. Or the Western Balkans. Just look at all these countries neighbouring the EU.

And since their future lies within the EU, we will soon be proposing roadmaps for the candidates that are furthest along the path to accession.

This process will continue to be based on merit. And, honourable Members, I repeat: respect for our values is non-negotiable.

I was horrified by the images from Ratko Mladić’s funeral in Belgrade last week.

He committed some of the most heinous crimes against humanity.

The glorification of war criminals is simply inconceivable in the European Union.

All the victims of the wars in the former Yugoslavia deserve to be remembered, and all their families deserve our sympathy.

Because this is precisely what our Union stands for: truth, justice and respect for our values.

 

Honourable Members of Parliament,

Europe will always remain true to its values. The Union was founded as a project for peace, so that our tragic past might give way to a shared future for Europeans.

Decades on, millions of people still see Europe as a source of hope – even in countries as far afield as Canada.

And yet we often forget just how powerful this promise remains.

In the aftermath of the war, in 1948, a Congress of Europe was held. It brought together the continent’s finest minds to reflect on the future of European cooperation. To nurture this European idea, which is our own. As a society, we must rediscover this ability to think about Europe.

Next year we will be celebrating the 70th anniversary of the historic Treaty of Rome.

I am pleased to announce today that on that occasion we will convene a new Congress of Europe.

We need the brightest minds from across the Union and the whole of the European continent. Together, they will shape a vision capable of inspiring the new generation of Europeans – a vision capable of reclaiming the European imagination – so that the next generation can write its own story.

Let us never forget how the Union came into being. Peoples who had long been at war with one another came together to forge a shared future. A future of peace and prosperity, of democracy and freedom.

They never wrote how far this destiny was meant to take us. But each generation has built upon the legacy of the previous one. Step by step. Stone by stone.

Of course, our imperfections, our diversity and our differences have not disappeared. But that is precisely what makes Europe our Europe. Our shared home.

Well then, honourable Members,

Once again, we are taking our future into our own hands.

Long live Europe!

Europe is alive.

Es lebe Europa.