Politics
Dem counter-moves •
Von der Leyen, economic support and vocabulary. This is how the Democrats want to rein in Conte on Kyiv. The broad coalition talks are due on Friday
On the eve of the debate on the manifesto, Schlein is seeking a compromise on aid to Ukraine without allowing Conte to have a monopoly on the pacifist stance. Also on the table are the format of the primaries, safeguards against interference and the role of the centrists in the future coalition.

Giuseppe Conte and Elly Schlein in Rome on 17 October (ANSA/ FABIO CIMAGLIA)
The talks are beginning to take shape; the meeting – the first, long-awaited one – is scheduled for Friday, when the leaders of the broad coalition will meet to really start discussing the programme and to begin identifying the framework of values that will lead to the primaries. The centrists will not be there – at least not yet. And this, too, will be discussed. After all, there is no shortage of sticking points, starting, as is well known, with foreign policy. And that is why, in the meantime, the PD will be working on its vocabulary and strategy. To bring positions closer together, of course. But also to limit the room for manoeuvre of their ally-rival Giuseppe Conte ahead of the primaries. For the former prime minister, opposing arms supplies to Kyiv represents his main asset, the issue on which to distinguish himself.
The Democrats want to narrow the scope. How? Firstly, by increasingly distancing themselves from Ursula von der Leyen, whose ‘embarrassing’ conduct was the focus of various speeches during the three-day Correntone conference in Montepulciano. This point was also emphasised in the policy document put forward by the faction aligned with Franceschini, Orlando and Speranza, which brings the Democrats closer to the positions of the M5S and AVS. This also marks the diplomatic shift on which the broader coalition is in agreement. The most difficult task, however, will be that of supporting Kyiv, the necessity of which Schlein remains convinced of. The Democrats therefore wish to distinguish between rearmament – a bellicose escalation – and the defence of the country under attack. International law, to which everyone in the broad coalition refers, remains the central guiding principle and also provides the legal framework for supporting Zelensky. Whilst the form, rather than the substance, can be discussed with allies: providing financial aid to Kyiv, as Angelo Bonelli had already suggested, may be a compromise that even the PD can accept. Moreover, many within the Democratic Party believe that Conte’s position is merely a political ploy designed to further his bid for leadership. With a centre-left government, the situation would be quite different. This is all the more true when considering Alessandro Onorato, whose stance on Ukraine is very similar to that of the PD: yes to defensive weapons, “had I been in Parliament I would have voted in favour, but the word ‘peace’ is missing”.
Finally, there is another area where Schlein can make her mark, in her contest with the M5S leader, by moving towards an even more radical stance. She gave a glimpse of this in Montepulciano: ‘The real fear is that of those who want to preserve privileges they do not have the courage to question,’ said the secretary, speaking of the failures of neoliberalism: the tune – so the subtext goes – has now changed. Then the PD’s committees will also step in, in support of the alternative and the secretary, with the aim of broadening participation in the programme but, above all, of setting in motion a structure on which the Movement cannot rely. This is why the Five Star Movement would like the consultations to be as open as possible: a single round, perhaps with multiple candidates, and certainly online as well. This last point is one on which the PD will seek guarantees – namely, agreed rules against ‘interference and disruption’ – as clarified by the trio of Franceschini, Speranza and Orlando, who spoke on behalf of a widespread sentiment within the PD. It will be another point of contention at the broad coalition’s negotiating table.
In addition to the scope of the coalition, which will also need to include a single centre – or centres, should a consensus not be reached. Ernesto Maria Ruffini, leader of Più uno, who welcomed the first city councillor in Rome, remains hopeful. Meanwhile, he is pressing ahead, hoping for a unified candidacy within the liberal camp: “But if there are primaries, we are ready to play our part”. The decisions of the centre-left moderates will also determine whether there will be a single round of voting or a possible run-off, following the 2012 model (Bersani) repeatedly cited by Democratic Party figures. There will be negotiations to be held, whilst it may perhaps be easier to reach a consensus on economic issues, starting with the joint 21-point document approved by the broad, expanded coalition during the recent debate on the DPFP. But also on healthcare: and it was no coincidence that yesterday, in a sort of red-and-yellow flashback, the M5S expressed support for Roberto Speranza, who was questioned by the Covid inquiry committee, set up at the behest of Meloni’s supporters. “The sole aim of this committee is to target political opponents,” said the former Health Minister, defending his work at the ministry and that of the Conte II government. The stability of the broad coalition will also hinge on this.
