Between negotiations, vetoes and demonstrations. The Campo Largo coalition: (online) primaries “by February”

There is no shortage of unknowns, but things are moving. Perhaps even more so than the leaders of Campo Largo themselves had expected on the eve of the meeting: “It went very well”. The table has expanded – come one, come all, centrists? There’s even a seat for Maurizio Acerbo. The programme – they assure us – will be finalised by November. A broad timeframe has also been agreed for the primaries (including online), a flexible schedule that suits everyone: by February. And for a joint rally in support of the alternative to Meloni, in December. Given recent patterns, the outcome could certainly have been worse.

Whilst a general strike called by the USB is taking place in Rome – the march is very well attended and remains peaceful for a long time, though clashes are expected in various parts of the city by evening – the four opposition leaders meet late in the morning via video call. A marathon meeting—which even puts lunch at risk—lasts around three hours and is marred by news agencies breaking stories about Bruno Vespa’s new book. The one in which Conte says: “Con Renzi non vinceremo mai”. These reports arrive with suspicious timing that makes the allies turn up their noses. “The M5S leader must speak to his own people. But by effectively accepting the joint path, he has given the green light,” explains a senior Democratic Party figure close to Schlein. “Then, of course, whoever wins the primaries will have to assure the entire coalition that no one is playing any tricks. But with this electoral law, it’s a relative problem. Only parties with 6–7 per cent can destabilise the government.” But first, the elections must be won. And to do so, Ivan Scalfarotto – a Renzi supporter within the M5S – points to the maths: “We’re a hair’s breadth away from 3 per cent; without that, we won’t win.” The issue of guarantees, repeatedly raised by Conte, will certainly resurface – particularly in the run-up to the primaries – but yesterday was not the right forum for it, sources in Via di Campo Marzio explain. In the afternoon, Bonelli, Conte, Fratoianni and Schlein (in strict alphabetical order) signed a joint statement. There is no mention of Ukraine, but yesterday the leaders made “a commitment to reach an agreement on everything”. The statement instead sets out the next steps: “From next week, discussions will begin to finalise the programme by November. The opposition parties represented in Parliament will take part”. It will have to be a very large round table, reserved for the ‘hardliners’ in the early stages, and Magi, Onorato and Acerbo will also be able to take their seats, as will – via Tabacci – ‘Più uno’ led by Ruffini and Gabrielli. In addition, of course, to Renzi (who is expected to rely on Paita and Boschi). The primaries “will be held by the end of February”, a compromise between the demands of Conte and Schlein, whilst the rules are yet to be finalised in detail. It will also depend on the local branches, which in the meantime will seek to streamline the all too diverse range of reformist proposals in the coming days, through another round of talks. The M5S leader, however, is working on his committees (the PD is moving a little more slowly, but has the organisational structure on its side), is courting young people and is already preparing his next moves: on 9 November he will present his book at the University of Benevento, then in Salerno, on a tour that will take him once again from north to south. Much of the programme, the leaders reiterate, is already in place: it involves joint work in Parliament and then the battle over the forthcoming budget. This will take the form in December of a united demonstration that “will be shared with the opposition parties and open to social movements and civil society”. In other words, seeking to harness the momentum generated by young people and the street protests of recent weeks. At the general strike called yesterday by the grassroots trade union, there were delegations from AVS, the M5S and the PD (from Piccolotti to Ricciardi and Scotto). Sending a signal was inevitable, but the leaders kept their distance, and not just for reasons of scheduling and video calls. These are the street protests organised by the USB alongside many other groups on the far-left—including university-based groups—as well as the Communists and pro-PAL activists, who are highly sceptical (to put it mildly) of traditional parties. In Rome, the grassroots trade union led a march of thousands of people chanting slogans against the war and “EU and US imperialism”, and against the government. And a clear message to the ‘broad coalition’, chanted through megaphones: ‘Even whoever comes after Meloni is a problem’. According to the union, a million workers and students took to the streets across Italy yesterday. How many of these might vote for the centre-left? And how many people would the ‘broad coalition’ bring onto the streets? This is the left’s other challenge, and it comes with its own risks. The march in Rome remained peaceful; the USB set up camp at the Imperial Forums, but in the evening, groups of protesters broke away, causing disturbances and erecting a few barricades here and there. The same thing happened in Turin, and there were tensions in Bologna too. The broad coalition will have to take this into account as well.