Politics
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Meloni’s ‘concession’ to Tajani on preferences. Forza Italia opposes it. Marina Berlusconi’s resistance
The Prime Minister is set to introduce a 60/40 gender parity rule for candidate preferences; Tajani mediates with the party (split). Moratti-Craxi row. FdI’s warning: “If our allies betray us, we will not be generous in the allocation of seats”

Meloni is calling for Tajani’s loyalty, but risks finding herself with a Tajani who is no longer part of Forza Italia. The ‘moderates’ within the party are in uproar. Members of Forza Italia are asking: who’s in charge? Why must we give in to Meloni? Marina Berlusconi is pointing out that her father, Silvio, never liked preferential voting. Stefania Craxi, the Senate group leader, claims to have helped scupper them in the Chamber of Deputies, and is ready to do so again in the Senate. On Tuesday evening, there was a bitter row between Craxi and Letizia Moratti, to the point that Tajani ordered the MPs to leave: “Get out.” They argued over economic issues and healthcare. Forza Italia is once again proving to be the weak link in the government. Tajani will convene the parliamentary groups next Wednesday to decide whether or not to vote on the amendment regarding preferential voting. Meloni is proposing gender parity – a 60 per cent to 40 per cent split – and reiterates: “Preferential voting is the only way to prevent the Court from striking down the law.” This devotion is wearing Tajani down.
Do you know who removed the gender alternation from the amendment on preferential voting – the compromise reached by the majority? It was Forza Italia. It is much more than just an amendment on preferential voting. Alfredo Mantovano – and the source reporting this is reliable – is advising: ‘Let’s hold elections soon, straight away.’ Meloni wants to speed things up. She has asked La Russa and De Priamo, the chair of the Constitutional Affairs Committee, for the timetable. According to her plan, the 26 hearings will be completed next week, and the deadline for amendments will be set before the summer recess. It is a clear plan, as explained by Dario Parrini, a PD senator: “Meloni wants to vote on the bill in September, so that it can then be passed by the Chamber of Deputies in October. And I would add, with an unreasonable provision – that so-called ‘vote-stealing’ amendment – which does not take into account the coalition’s total vote share. This is the first time this has happened. When this is pointed out, FdI responds: ‘The Court will sort it out anyway.’ Can a law be passed by reasoning in these terms?” The Lega has resigned itself to the situation and is already taking it for granted that it will vote in favour of preferential voting in the Senate committee, but Forza Italia is now making this the fight of its life. The old divide between ‘fighters’ and the submissive has returned.” There is one faction within Forza Italia asking Meloni, ‘If we vote for this, what will you give us in return? End-of-life care?’ and there is another that espouses the ‘coalition first’ line. Stefano Benigni, the architect of the electoral law on behalf of Forza Italia, says: ‘We will vote for the preferential system, the result of mediation; otherwise, it’s clear: we’ll head for a general election.’ It is said that on the evening of the summit, Meloni addressed Tajani in the tone of an ancient tragedy: “This is the vote of confidence we need. It is a narrow path, but one we must traverse.” It is a not-too-veiled warning, and one from FdI to FI: “If the bill fails, we will not be generous with those who have betrayed us when the time comes to allocate seats.” Tajani has pledged loyalty to Marina and owes allegiance to Meloni, but whose vote will Tajani cast? He is described as having lost legitimacy, under siege in Rome and Milan. Alessandro Sorte, FI’s secretary in Lombardy, says: “Santanchè will choose the mayor of Milan. Faced with the return of ‘La Santa’, what can one do?” But doesn’t Milan deserve some advice from Tajani? Then there are the issues. The Berlusconi family does not like this barbaric drift towards Bologna; they do not like the right wing elevating Roggero to the status of a totem. In the ‘no preferences’ chat group – the one set up to sabotage the system, comprising around 20 FI MPs – people are writing: “Let’s not spout nonsense about Bologna”, “Let’s calm down about Roggero”. The tenacity with which Craxi and Zangrillo are fighting over the preferences is seen as the usual sign: "They’re acting on the family’s orders." What is Forza Italia today? For months now, they’ve been stuck halfway between what they could have been and what they are. The names being floated to replace Tajani are the same: Cirio, Occhiuto and Zangrillo, but no one wants to draw the dagger. Except that now there’s the ‘test of loyalty’ that Meloni is demanding of Tajani, which ends up weakening him. What are Forza Italia’s battles today? They’d tried to make some headway on hunting, but Lollobrigida is opposed because he sees it as a personal slight; worse still, the issue has spilled over into the taxi sector. The end-of-life bill has never been put on the agenda. In Puglia, regional councillors are up in arms against D’Attis, the regional secretary; in Campania, there are further feuds; in Sicily, Mulè is now positioning himself as a coalition candidate. Such is the strange fate of Forza Italia: they once had a leader who was the sun, and now they have one who must act as Meloni’s satellite, receiving signals from the Segrate space station.
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Carmelo Caruso, giornalista a Palermo, Milano, Roma. Ha iniziato a La Repubblica. Oggi lavora al Foglio
