The best way to avoid contradicting what Meloni has become

For four years and more, Giorgia Meloni has avoided talking nonsense. On certain strategic issues – war and peace, alliances, Europe – she has gone so far as to adopt an honest, yet discreet reticence, when it made political sense to do so. In this way, she has held together a coalition and a ruling class that are not of the very highest calibre, without indulging in excessive self-promotion despite a few theatrical excesses, mannerisms and posturing – forgivable for a leading lady under siege at Palazzo Chigi. She prevented Trump’s tantrums from overwhelming her; she managed to reconcile a certain conservative and sovereigntist stance, so to speak, with a substantive commitment to Europe and an ability to forge alliances with majorities outside her own circle, both in Brussels and Strasbourg – a perfect way to earn a reputation as someone who cares deeply about the state and even supranationalism, the strength of European diversity, even in a time of extreme difficulty.

He did not exploit the issue of immigration for the sake of security-based demagoguery, capitalising on public fear as his partner from the far-right minority – the reckless and inexperienced Senator Salvini – would have wished. On the contrary, with that strange proposal for extraterritorial hubs, he sought to devise solutions that were well-received and partly endorsed by the Scandinavian social democrats and, to a certain extent, by the British – both Conservatives and Labour – with ultimate repercussions for the Brussels bureaucracy and the majority supporting the von der Leyen Commission. He fought a valiant battle in defence of due process regarding the separation of judicial careers, which ended in utter failure given the rule that governments lose referendums – especially when they concern even non-decisive aspects of the Constitution – a rule disproved only by the outcome of the referendum on the sliding scale promoted by Craxi and lost by the motley crew aligned with Berlinguer at the time.

The security packages approved in rapid succession by both Houses by a narrow majority were clearly a way of avoiding illiberal restrictions and strengthening the political cohesion of the majority. New categories of offence, safeguards for law enforcement agencies, but nothing substantially binding regarding repressive measures or the excessive use of state force – a story that began with a publicity-stunt decree on rave parties, no less. The defining features of Italy’s political identity during this parliamentary term have been support for Ukraine – in line with Mario Draghi’s stance and in a position which, when compared with that of the opposition, was clearly at the forefront – and the reining in of public finances, crowned by a mini-budget which even its critics deem open to criticism, of course, but by no means monstrous. Now the Vannacci phenomenon is beginning to fizzle out, as was to be expected. The constitutional and parliamentary opponents of the majority are seeking a path to unity and credibility that is difficult to devise and put into practice for well-known reasons of general political orientation. It makes little sense for Meloni to start talking nonsense, to appear nervous, or to draw attention to the looming threat of French Le Penism – a story yet to be written – and the predictable shift to the right in Spain. 

Meloni’s strength lies in her position at the centre of mainstream politics, the historic process of revitalising and politically rebranding a right-wing movement that had been outside the so-called constitutional spectrum for decades. Critics argue that she has not carried out structural reforms, just as they used to say of Berlusconi, who taught a country that had always been reluctant to practise it what it meant for different political forces to take turns at the helm of government – never mind structural reforms. Meloni has achieved the same thing with regard to the ‘Indian reservation’ of the systemic and permanent opposition of the old Missina right. Salvini has far too few votes to pose a serious threat; his outbursts can easily be sidestepped. What matters is Minister Giorgetti, and at a pinch, the gang of northern administrators. Maintaining absolute calm and proceeding along a course that has astonished allies and adversaries alike, as well as neighbouring and distant countries, would, I believe, be the best course of action – and, as they used to say, the ‘main road’.