The centre, according to the quintessential centrist, Bruno Tabacci

Rome. The figurehead of centrism, both today and in the past (in the sense of the Christian Democrats), is still Bruno Tabacci, MP and former undersecretary in the Draghi government, also known as the ‘ferryman’ for his ability to mediate and bring people together, both as a bridge-builder in times of crisis and in his role as the one who can ‘lend’ his party’s symbol, the Democratic Centre, to new political formations (such as Ernesto Maria Ruffini’s Più Uno today), enabling these forces to reduce the number of signatures they need to collect. And he, Tabacci, today looks upon the centre of the centre-left, submerged by a thousand rivulets, and saves it in an ideal sense, quoting the words of former Prime Minister Romano Prodi: ‘Without the centre, you cannot win’. But we must get there, to the ballot box. At the moment, the moment you say ‘centre’, a sudoku puzzle appears in which logic is of no help. Nevertheless, we must help one another because, as Tabacci says, “with an electoral law like this, and whilst we await the Constitutional Court’s ruling, the centre represents a widespread sentiment in the country and a way of thinking, of being and of positioning oneself, from a political and cultural point of view, which must be listened to and valued, even if, at this moment, rejection of politics is rife and its ability to interpret the electorate’s impulses is waning”. It’s hard work for both old and new parties. “If what I see are parties, then I have no trouble admitting I’m nostalgic for the First Republic. Today, the so-called parties and movements are at the mercy of opinion polls and the internet. Yet, from this chaos, a different way of thinking is emerging across the country – one that seeks sobriety and competence in politics”. It is a problem of communication, says Tabacci, and of quality: “On 2 June 1946, a population half of whom were illiterate turned out en masse to vote: a 96 per cent turnout, with women voting for the first time. Today, we struggle to reach even half that figure. And electoral disengagement cuts across the board.” How, then, can we avoid squandering this sensitivity, when the centre is still stuck debating its structure and hypothetical leaders? “The problem affects the entire centre-left camp, which is grappling with building an alternative to Giorgia Meloni and her main supporters.” Tabacci condemns this government’s actions, “aggravated by the misinterpretation or underestimation of certain serious foreign policy issues. Today it seems as though nobody knows Donald Trump, but until recently there were those in government who harboured the idea of Italy acting as a bridge between Europe and the US. Had they got carried away, or were they unable to interpret Trump’s excesses and his disregard for the rules correctly? Did they think it was a game? Well, it wasn’t, and I’d award the Nobel Peace Prize to the American people for the results of the mid-term elections. Not to mention Pope Leo XIV, who said he was ‘proud to be American and to have voted’.” We need the centre, says Tabacci. But, once again, who will lead it and how will it present itself to the voters? Former Prime Minister Matteo Renzi says he is available. “Let’s be honest: at the Leopolda, he put forward his proposal for 50 per cent of the list places to go to Italia Viva and 50 per cent to the other forces in the Casa Riformista. Now, I harbour some legitimate misgivings about an approach of this sort, not least because of Renzi’s certain penchant for what might be called ‘theatrical’ politics. With all due respect, I prefer a style characterised by balance and wisdom. I prefer to speak with Ernesto Ruffini and Franco Gabrielli.” The prospect of Gabrielli as leader of the centrist bloc, however, has faded. “I take note of that; let’s move on.” And how? “Everyone should rediscover a sense of duty and responsibility.” There is also a centrist group outside the two main blocs, led by Azione’s leader Carlo Calenda. “I think Calenda has the right to occupy the space he deems useful to occupy. But then he’ll have to reckon with tactical voting, all the more so with this electoral law.” Calenda, for his part, is aiming for a stalemate. “It would be better to challenge at its very core a law with strong indications of possible unconstitutionality, rather than thinking of taking advantage of it.” Tabacci sees “signs of unstoppable decline” all around him. One example above all, he says, “Rocco Casalino talking about the Colle as if it were the Plan B for whoever loses the primary-ordeal between Elly Schlein and Giuseppe Conte. Well, I don’t know.”