Meloni accepts the EU’s flexibility, but at ANAC there is deadlock and acrimony

In Italy, everything is going wrong; in Europe, everything is going swimmingly. The EU has activated the flexibility clause requested by Meloni and Giorgetti, but the government is being laughed at over the ANAC issue, and by the French bank Crédit Agricole, which now wants to merge with Banco BPM. There is already talk of ‘golden power’, as confirmed by Meloni’s ministers: “The grounds exist to activate the committee, which does not mean the operation will be halted”. The Council of Ministers approves the Utility Bills Decree, but the appointment of the ANAC president falls through, as the name of another “League” candidate in the running emerges: Alfredo Storto, the chief of staff whom Salvini wants to promote in order to remove him. The Altieri case—the withdrawal of Salvini’s first candidate—illustrates the level of animosity within the League, the value of the opposition’s word (Conte and Boccia had both indicated their willingness to stand) and the selection process at Palazzo Chigi: meeting the basic requirements is sufficient.

Before we know how things will turn out at ANAC – who will lead it (and whether another Council of Ministers meeting will be required) – it is more interesting to recount how it all began. Nuccio Altieri, a staunch former Fitto supporter close to Raffaele Fitto who later switched sides to Salvini, was targeted by the League over a post he had never actually held (League Defence Chief). Altieri had informed Armando Siri of his refusal. In theory, Altieri had no conflicts of interest. How many people in the League were even aware of this post, which he never actually accepted? Very few knew about it – only the inner circle, those close to Salvini, and leaders such as Alessandro Morelli and Siri. Dagospia has already reported on this. Morelli was pushing, and continues to push, for Bernadette Veca (who heads the Dipe; undoubtedly a more suitable figure, in terms of stature, than Altieri). Claudio Durigon, on the other hand, wanted to reward Altieri, an executive who had helped the League in Puglia. And this is where a manoeuvre to bolster his credentials kicked off – one that even irritated the President of the Republic.

It is said that Altieri worked in the office of Mattarella, the Minister of Defence. In fact, Altieri was a reserve officer cadet and was initially posted to the SPI, the Ministry of Defence’s press office, before going on to work as press officer for Undersecretary Ostilio. In the language of the Quirinale, this means that Altieri never worked with Mattarella. The first sign—which Salvini underestimated—that the appointment would not proceed came at the end of September when Domani published an article referring to Altieri as the Lega’s “defence chief” and a member of Leonardo’s board of directors. How can it be proven that Altieri had turned down the party post? Is there a formal letter of refusal? The agreement signed with the opposition is also peculiar. Durigon and Giorgetti informed the PD and the M5S, which – not coincidentally – are mentioned in the Palazzo Chigi statement.

Altieri is from Puglia, like Boccia and Conte, and both have expressed their support for his candidacy (a two-thirds majority is required to elect the ANAC president). If Salvini and Meloni are playing for time, it is because they have realised that, on the ANAC issue, the opposition could repeat what happened with the RAI, making the appointment impossible. In short, Conte and Boccia only changed their minds after the news of the (non-)appointment was circulated again. It is the opposition’s role to do so, but can one still believe in gentlemen’s agreements and handshakes if a mere slip-up is enough to undermine them? And this brings us to Chigi. The legitimate question is: how could Meloni have underestimated the ‘merits’ of the Altieri case? Contrary to popular belief, there is no office at Palazzo Chigi with the specific task of dealing with appointments, let alone the political aspects. It is not the responsibility of the DAGL (Department for Legal and Legislative Affairs).

To illustrate just how much she trusted him – or perhaps how much Meloni wanted to please Salvini – Altieri’s appointment is being handled by the secretariat headed by Angela Lorella Di Gioia, an experienced executive who, moreover, comes from ANAC. The office assesses the requirements but not potential conflicts of interest, particularly for a post that appears to be largely symbolic. Now it is Meloni who is urging us to ‘do things properly’ and take our time. Within FdI, they refer to the League members placed on boards of directors, regulatory bodies and port authorities using this expression: ‘the end-of-season salvages’.

It is simply that the ‘salvi’ end up overshadowing the news of the flexibility granted by the EU to Italy – the 29 billion euros to be spent on energy and defence. Today, the new aid package for Kyiv will be discussed at Copasir, and we can expect the usual uproar from the Lega (which opposes it), with Forza Italia and FdI on the other side. Salvini is expected to lose this round as well, just as he is set to lose the notion that there was a friendly bank in Milan—this BPM, which may soon take on a French flavour. Last year, the merger with Unicredit was blocked. Salvini will have another chance to reproach Giorgetti: “Did you see that?”. Francesco Giavazzi asks: “I wonder how Giorgetti, after having used the ‘golden power’ against an Italian bank that was, from an industrial point of view, a better fit for BPM, can pretend nothing has happened.” There are also the insurance companies calling for a discussion with the government over windfall profits. We used to call it a hot autumn; now it’s a hybrid November.