The centre met, and immediately split. A meeting to build a home for the moderates

The meeting begins at 8:45 p.m. at a secret location that all participants have already disclosed to journalists. The ground rules are simple: no one is to speak to the press, and no one is to reveal who was present. By 8:47 p.m., Matteo Renzi has already sent out his newsletter. The theme of the evening is important: finally building a grand Italian centre – a force that is liberal, reformist, popular, pro-European, committed to the rule of law, pragmatic, modern, anti-populist, anti-extremist and, of course, united. The problem, as will become clear within the first three minutes, is determining who has the right to be part of this grand centre. And, above all, who has the right to tell others that they cannot be part of it.

Carlo Calenda arrives first. Technically not, because Luigi Marattin has been there for twenty minutes, but Calenda regards all political events prior to his entering the room as irrelevant. He sighs. “Let’s keep it simple,” he says. The others immediately realise it is going to be a very long evening. “The centre must be the place where serious business is conducted. Not a madhouse, not a free-for-all, not a stepping stone to getting into Parliament.”

Renzi walks in whilst Calenda is still explaining that we mustn’t make it a personal issue. “Carlo, at last we’re in agreement,” he says.

Calenda stops speaking.

First diplomatic incident.

The waiter brings the carbonara. Occhiuto asks why the guanciale has to be from Lazio and not Calabria. Calenda says that the debate over guanciale is precisely the reason why the country hasn’t grown for thirty years. Marattin proposes setting up a technical committee.

Antonio Tajani, seated in the centre of the table – a position he considers politically correct and also lexically unavoidable – speaks up. “Before we begin, we must clarify one thing. The centre already exists.”

Silence.

“And it’s Forza Italia”.

A second of silence. Occhiuto stares at Tajani with the look of someone who has just turned up at a meeting to set something up, only to discover from his secretary that it has been in existence for thirty years. “Sorry, Antonio,” says Renzi, “if the centre already exists, why are we here?”

“To expand it”.

“To us?”.

“A voi”.

“So we have to join Forza Italia”.

“Let’s not trivialise it.”

Marattin raises his hand. “Excuse me, just a methodological point. If we are all liberals, pro-Europeans, reformists and advocates of due process, why do we have eight parties?” The question is deemed provocative.

Calenda says that the new centre must be independent of both the right and the left, but willing to cooperate when they do sensible things, provided that this does not mean taking a neutral stance, because taking a neutral stance is wrong, whilst being independent is right.

“That’s exactly what I’m saying,” says Renzi.

“No”.

“Carlo, you’ve just said exactly what I’ve been saying.”

“Yes, but when you say it, it means something else.”

Second diplomatic incident.

Onorato points out that there is also a centre that can remain within the centre-left without feeling ashamed of it.

“So it’s not centrist,” says Calenda. “It’s on the left.”

“What about Forza Italia?”.

“He’s on the right”.

“So what?”.

“In fact, that isn’t the centre either.”

Tajani adjusts his glasses. “The centre is Forza Italia.” The discussion returns to square one with admirable efficiency.

Magi attempts to introduce the topic of civil rights: citizenship, immigration, end-of-life issues, and cannabis. Tajani says we must be liberal but responsible. Calenda says we must be pragmatic. Renzi says we must win. Occhiuto says that, in any case, we must win the elections in Calabria. Magi asks: “So?”.

They decide to postpone the discussion on civil rights until the second meeting. This is the first agreement of the evening.

At 9:34 p.m., the first fax from Marina Berlusconi arrives. No one knows why it is a fax. The secretariat explains that, in the centre-right, a message sent via WhatsApp can be denied, one sent by email can be hacked, whereas a fax immediately takes on the tone of a dynastic message. Tajani reads it out. The fax calls for a liberal, pro-European, modern and serious political movement capable of speaking to the productive classes and to that part of Italy that rejects extremism. The room erupts in applause.

Then Tajani reaches the last line. “Naturally, in keeping with the history of Forza Italia”.

Calenda withdraws his applause.

On the second page, Marina Berlusconi calls on Forza Italia to be more courageous, more innovative and better able to broaden its appeal. Occhiuto takes the fax from Tajani’s hands and declares it a congress document.

Third diplomatic incident.

The issue of the name is discussed. Renzi suggests something featuring the word ‘reformists’. Calenda objects because everyone is using it now. Tajani explains that the word ‘liberal’ is already in Forza Italia’s DNA. Magi would like ‘United States of Europe’, but he is reminded that this has already been tried, and the conversation suddenly becomes awkward. Onorato proposes “National Civic Project”. Calenda says it sounds like a list of candidates for the mayor of Frosinone. Onorato remarks that “Azione” sounds like the name of a washing powder.

Fourth diplomatic incident.

Occhiuto suggests discussing leadership first. This is the moment when everyone realises that, up to that point, it had all been a joke.

Tajani points out that he is Deputy Prime Minister, Foreign Secretary, Secretary of Forza Italia and President of something in Brussels that nobody can remember but which sounds very important. Renzi points out that he used to be Prime Minister. Calenda points out that he was Prime Minister ten years ago. Renzi reminds Calenda who appointed him as a minister. Calenda reminds Renzi why he subsequently left.

Marattin asks whether it would not be better to choose the leader through a primary election. Everyone replies ‘no’ at the same time.

This is the second agreement of the evening.

Occhiuto proposes a collegial leadership structure. The others view him with suspicion, because in Italy this generally means that one member of the college is preparing to replace another. Renzi says he is very much in favour of the rules, provided they are drawn up once it is clear who is likely to win. Onorato proposes that the leader be nominated by the coalition. Calenda asks: “Which coalition?”.

The chapter on alliances begins. 10:08 p.m. Three bottles of wine and seven incompatible strategies are placed on the table.

Tajani says the centre must remain within the centre-right. Onorato in the centre-left. Calenda in the centre. Renzi says he must first understand the electoral law. Marattin should, first and foremost, worry about staying in the picture. Occhiuto should grow big enough to be able to decide for himself where the others stand. For a few seconds, it seems the most convincing proposal.

The problem is that, to be decisive, one would need to stand for election.

At 10:21 p.m., a noise at the window interrupts the meeting. It is a pigeon. Tied to its leg is a small piece of paper bearing the letterhead of the Ministry of Economy and Finance. “It’s Giorgetti,” says someone. No one seems particularly surprised. The message is brief: “Before setting anything up, check the funding”. This is followed by three tables and a postscript: “Don’t count on me”. Marattin examines the tables. “But Giorgetti is right about the balances”.

Il Piccione is unanimously re-elected as coordinator of the economic committee. This is the third agreement of the evening.

The aim is to estimate the electoral base of the new political entity.

“We are worth…”.

“You’re not worth anything…”.

“That is a survey commissioned by you…”.

The theoretical total quickly rises to 18 per cent. Subtracting the voters that each side refuses to share with the others brings the figure down to 7 per cent. Applying cross-vetoes brings the figure to 3.8 per cent. Excluding those who would never vote for Renzi, Calenda, Forza Italia or the PD, and those who switch channels at the mere mention of the word ‘centre’, Marattin announces that the new party already has a solid electoral base made up of the people present in the room. The waiter asks if he can vote. He is denied a membership card because it is unclear who he supported in the local elections.

23:03. We need a constitution.

Calenda wants it stated that no alliances will be formed with populists. Renzi asks who decides who is a populist. “I do,” says Calenda. Renzi proposes writing that no one can impose personal vetoes. Calenda imposes a veto.

Occhiuto suggests simply using ‘Europe’ without specifying which family, so that a decision can be made later. It is the most Christian Democrat-style proposal of the evening and receives bipartisan praise.

The second fax arrives. Marina Berlusconi states that any moderate project must be “open, contemporary and not nostalgic”.

Tajani says that is exactly what Forza Italia is doing. Occhiuto says that is exactly the criticism he is levelling at Forza Italia. Both are asking for the fax to be attached to the minutes in support of their respective positions. For the first time in Italian political history, the same fax has become a document used by both the majority and the opposition within the same party.

Twenty minutes to midnight. A blank sheet of paper is placed in the centre of the table. The aim is to write at least five lines. After an hour, the following wording is agreed: “The undersigned agree on the need to work towards building a liberal, popular, reformist, pro-European, civic and pragmatic political space, capable of overcoming ideological divisions and offering representation to those who do not identify with extremism”.

There is applause. Calenda then asks what ‘popular’ means. Magi asks what ‘moderate’ means. Tajani asks why it does not say ‘centre’. Renzi asks who exactly the extremists are. Onorato asks whether ‘extremism’ also refers to the Five Star Movement. Occhiuto asks whether Vannacci is included in the definition. Marattin proposes a twelve-page methodological note. The document is withdrawn.

At 00.47, the seven key figures finally grasp the great truth of Italian centrism: the centre is not a political space. It is a dispute amongst flat-owners. Everyone wants to live in the same block, provided they are the property manager, the neighbour upstairs is evicted and the caretaker has no ties to Giuseppe Conte. All that remains is to offer something to the journalists. The final press release is drafted. “Constructive atmosphere”. Approved unanimously. “Frank discussion”. Approved. “Numerous points of convergence”. Approved with enthusiasm. “Willingness to continue the dialogue”. Standing ovation. “Another meeting in the coming weeks”. This is where the problems start again. Before the elections? Tajani must consult the party. Occhiuto must consult his section of the party. Magi has a party conference. Onorato has Rome. Marattin has a conference on public finances which, it is pointed out, he might be the only one present who actually wants to attend. It is therefore decided to meet again after the elections. Which elections is not specified. “We’ll see,” says Renzi.

“It depends on the result,” says Tajani.

“It depends on the electoral law,” says Marattin.

“It depends on who isn’t there,” Calenda explains.

Occhiuto suggests keeping all options open.

It is the final and definitive agreement of the evening. At 1:12 a.m., the meeting adjourns. Calenda exits through one door. Renzi exits through another. Tajani bids everyone farewell, reminding them that Forza Italia’s doors remain open. Occhiuto points out that this is precisely why the door frames will need replacing. Onorato returns to the broader coalition. Marattin stays in the room for a few minutes to check the accounts. On the windowsill, the MEF’s pigeon waits. It has a second message from Giorgetti. “Avete finito?”

Marattin picks up a pen. He writes: “No”. The pigeon flies off again.

And perhaps, in the end, this is the most accurate portrait of the great Italian centre: a potentially vast political arena, teeming with leaders who agree on almost everything except the one thing necessary for its very existence, namely, sticking together. Liberals against liberals, moderates against moderates, reformists against reformists, pro-Europeans against pro-Europeans. Each convinced that unity is indispensable. Each is ready to achieve it as soon as everyone else has agreed to join them. The ‘big centre’ can wait. The ‘small personal centre’, on the other hand, brooks no delay.