From Kyiv to the primaries: reformists back Schlein. Negotiations over exemptions, candidate lists and the manifesto

Rome. Reformists back Elly Schlein. There is certainly no shortage of differences, but on certain issues – from Ukraine to the primaries – it is precisely the minority which, almost paradoxically, can lend the secretary a helping hand at this stage. It is a debate that extends right up to the forthcoming general election; it concerns the PD’s manifesto (pending its release) but also parliamentary seats and exemptions. So much so that a senior PD leader has gone out on a limb: “I think the reformists have an agreement with the party leader”.

Yesterday morning, Schlein met with Lorenzo Guerini and Piero Fassino in the Chamber of Deputies to discuss the matter and mend fences following the marathon meeting two days ago in which the PD decided it would vote against the anti-Semitism bill, all the more so after the call to amend the law – specifically the IHRA definition – was, as was widely expected, rejected by the right: “The text remains as it is”. Tuesday evening’s decision set alarm bells ringing amongst the reformists – for Fassino, voting against the bill “is a mistake” – who would have preferred, at the very least, a stance of abstention, as happened in the Senate. But at least at this stage, aside from some criticism that is, so to speak, to be expected, they do not wish to inflame tempers. Filippo Sensi says: “No friendly fire from us, just a constructive contribution to the party.”

There are, after all, various issues still up in the air. For the Democratic Party minority, as is well known, Kyiv represents the main red line; Giuseppe Conte’s advance must therefore be prevented. On Saturday, they will meet in Prato to take stock of the situation during their national assembly. To reiterate once again that support for Ukraine – specifically military support – cannot be called into question. No concessions to the M5S or AVS. Nor to that section of the PD which is voicing doubts about Schlein in the race for Palazzo Chigi. The same applies to the primaries, on which the Democratic Party leader is pressing ahead resolutely, alongside her inner circle, convinced that “we will win”. In recent days, more than one reformist has come out into the open at campaign events. Sensi did so, followed by Giorgio Gori and even former Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni, who believes that “Schlein can play her cards in the primaries”. These should, they explained, perhaps take the form of a two-round system, with clear rules and verified voters, avoiding online voting which, they fear, would expose the contest to external influences, including Russian ones. These are the rules that Conte does not like, but which the Nazareno faction has been insisting on for some time. Of course, this unusual alignment between Schlein and the reformists is driven by practical considerations. It is not merely idealistic. Thus, in Prato, the reformists will discuss – as well as foreign policy and the economy, emphasising the issues of competitiveness and growth – a possible second candidacy in the primaries: the name of the former mayor of Bergamo, Gori, is still being bandied about. They believe it is necessary and useful to give a voice to certain demands. But it could also be, they wonder in Schlein’s camp (or perhaps it is a hope?), another bargaining chip, particularly with regard to the party lists. There is the issue of the term limit, provided for in the PD’s constitution, under which a member cannot stand for re-election after three consecutive terms (barring exceptions, which are already under discussion). A total of 37 MPs would be affected; there are the reformists, who fear this restriction, but also figures close to the party leadership. Furthermore, with the new electoral law, the position of ‘fixed’ lead candidate will also be highly sought-after. Discussions between Schlein and the reformists revolve around all this; they have Guerini as their point of contact in Rome, the man responsible for dialogue with the Nazareno. Decisive steps lie ahead for the PD, which will expose Schlein to demands from various factions. The party programme needs to be finalised, and some formal procedure will be required. But amendments to the party constitution are also needed to extend Schlein’s term of office, which expires in February, and to postpone the party congress until after the elections. This too will carry a (political) cost, whilst deliberations are also underway regarding the date of the assembly: there has been talk of mid-October, the 17th, the very same day as the CGIL’s national rally. A few days earlier, Meloni will be addressing the Chamber of Deputies. Consequently, some are pushing the date back to November, after the initiative by the Franceschini–Orlando–Speranza faction, or are at least suggesting an executive committee meeting in the coming days. The fate of the electoral law – and the nomination of the coalition’s candidate for Prime Minister – will offer further clues. The same goes for the primaries, which are a cause for concern not only because of the contest with Conte, but also regarding the PD’s internal cohesion. So much so that a suggestion has begun to circulate in PD circles, a recommendation to the party leader: to stand at the polling stations as part of a ticket with another candidate, a running mate, in order to broaden support and mobilisation within the party.

Ruggiero Montenegro