Schlein erects a ‘wall’ against Meloni. But the Democrats remain divided over anti-Semitism

Rome. Gianni Cuperlo, sitting on the bench in the Chamber of Deputies, resorts to irony: “In the PD, we have this nasty habit of debating. And today there will be plenty to debate.” He knows his colleagues and his party well. After all, the issue is a delicate, divisive one: the Democrats have already split over the Anti-Semitism Bill in the Senate, and this could soon happen again in the Chamber of Deputies, with the reformists – who support the measure – ready to break ranks with the ‘Nazareno’ line. In the Senate, five Democrats had broken ranks, from Filippo Sensi to Graziano Delrio, who had also tabled his own proposal, which was subsequently absorbed by the right wing. All were convinced of the need for this law. Piero Fassino and Lia Quartapelle are also moving in this direction.

At around five o’clock, the PD MPs gather. Secretary Elly Schlein is also present, underlining the sensitivity of the situation. The electoral law is also discussed – yesterday the centre-left tabled a package of 40–50 unified amendments – and the secretary attempts to close ranks: “The opposition parties will unite to put up a united front against this appalling law”. Meanwhile, addressing Meloni, who has called out the Head of State over the cap on foreign students, she says: “Pulling President Mattarella’s jacket in an attempt to drag him, as Meloni has done, into the day’s exploitative controversy is a clear sign of a total lack of a sense of statehood and constitutes a direct provocation against the highest office of the State. Something Italy absolutely does not need.” Against the Prime Minister and against the ‘Stabilicum’ decree, in any case, it is easier to keep her own ranks united. The problems lie elsewhere. And indeed, over three hours later, as we wrap up this piece, PD representatives are still in session. Meanwhile, appeals continue to pour in from Milan’s Jewish community, which gathered in the square yesterday, wearing kippahs as a sign of solidarity with the rabbi who was attacked last week. Senator Segre’s son, Alberto Belli Paci, says: “It feels as though we’ve gone back to 1938.” Segre herself had called on the entire political establishment to support the anti-Semitism decree. The same appeal was made – including to the PD – by the young Jews of the UGEI, who have launched a campaign, whilst two ‘stumbling stones’ were vandalised in Rome.

Throughout the day, the Democrats closest to the leader have been letting it be known: “We’re voting ‘no’”. On the other hand, the reasoning goes, “all our amendments have been rejected”. Boldrini’s line is gaining ground, as she is the most critical of the right-wing measure. The MP had been out on the streets in recent weeks, alongside Amnesty and civil society, at a demonstration where flags of Hamas and Hezbollah had also appeared. The central issue remains the IHRA’s definition of antisemitism, which the Conte government had also endorsed and which Schlein had supported in her capacity as an MEP. But now, the Democrats explain, times have changed: “Even legitimate criticism of the Israeli government could be penalised.”

Paolo Ciani jokes, trying his hand at being a special correspondent: “I’ll be the mediator.” Is he a good mediator? “We’ll see about that later,” he smiles. Within the Democratic Party, however, there are also those who would like to revive the strategy used in the Senate: abstention. The third way. To some extent, this would also send a signal to the reformists (who are meeting in Prato on the 26th), at a delicate juncture when Schlein needs maximum unity in her now daily battle with her rival-ally Giuseppe Conte. But Arturo Scotto points out: “In the end, we ended up split anyway.” In short, it would be better to go straight for a ‘no’ vote. A choice that would also have political, and perhaps electoral, repercussions. Meanwhile, the PD would form a united front with the M5S and AVS, and the ‘no’ vote against the centre-right’s bill is backed by a very broad front of civil society. This ranges from Amnesty, indeed, to the CGIL, via the ANPI, and extends to the NGOs. These are organisations that had, in various ways, campaigned for the referendum, and the victory of the broad coalition against Meloni depends on their mobilisation. Alongside personal positions and freedom of conscience, yet another potential rift within the Democrats also stems from this.