The CGIL is split in two beneath the surface of an all-encompassing Landini-ism

In 2023, he had been elected with a resounding majority: 94 per cent. The day before yesterday, the proposal to expand the General Secretariat, put forward by Maurizio Landini, was approved by 61 per cent of those who voted (142 votes), which amounts to a meagre 49.5 per cent when calculated against the total number of eligible voters (287). As many as 77 members of the General Assembly, following a lively and frank debate, had no qualms about declaring their opposition, and there were also around ten blank ballots, which, in the history of Landini’s ‘regime’, surely mean something. Yet it cannot be said that Landini, as a keen observer of how mass organisations function, had underestimated the challenge. To expand the executive committee, he had first (irregularly) put forward, by open vote, a proposal to consider both old and new members en bloc. It was only in a second vote – the one to which the figures cited refer – that he laid his cards on the table and named the three new candidates. Namely Michele Di Palma, head of FIOM; Serena Sorrentino, secretary of the Public Service branch; and Stefania Filetti, provincial secretary of Varese and also a former FIOM member. All were to be voted on en bloc in order to avoid a headcount or the formation of factions. The truth that everyone in the CGIL knows is that Landini has Di Palma in mind as his successor and also intends to lay out a guided path to ensure there are no surprises or obvious rifts. It must not be forgotten that within the CGIL, the importance of the confederation’s unity is widely recognised, so much so that in the recent past no one has raised any objections to Landini’s decision to keep the proceedings of internal debates confidential. Nor have they contested the practice whereby the national secretariat is a collegial body which, consequently, does not vote on individual dossiers.

The ‘lider maximo’ of Corso d’Italia was due to step down next January but has in fact extended his term until the next congress, which will be held only after the general election. Between now and then (when?), Landini will be able to keep an eye on the expiry of numerous terms of office at the head of regional organisations and sectoral trade unions, and will therefore be able to influence the race for the leadership to some extent; for the time being, apart from Di Palma, it seems that only Sorrentino is in the running. Very close to former secretary Susanna Camusso, Sorrentino’s name was also mentioned as a potential leader eight years ago, but her chances were subsequently crushed in the grip of the Landini–Colla rivalry. Now it seems her time has come again, but the dominance of the former FIOM members within the CGIL is overwhelming, and in any case, the race is a long one. The most interesting aspect – and one that bodes for further developments – is that, beneath the surface of Landini’s all-encompassing influence, the national secretariat is already divided into two camps, which are reportedly of equal strength. What divides the secretaries, however, is not a negative assessment of the leader’s political and trade union choices, but rather – though this is no small matter – a challenge to his leadership methods. A form of despotism that is hardly ‘enlightened’. It is precisely because of this existing rift – which never leaks out to the outside world – that Landini has taken all the aforementioned precautions to ensure the new secretaries are elected. He did not want the two factions to find new reasons to clash and, perhaps, through a vote on individual candidates, to derail one or the other’s career. But the calculation of this strategist of engineered consensus was only partially successful, as evidenced precisely by both the low percentage of votes in favour compared to previous landslide victories and the 77 who explicitly voted ‘no’.

The consensus on substantive political and trade union decisions is justified by the climate of perpetual democratic emergency that preoccupies CGIL leaders and by the accumulation of mobilisation deadlines that leave no room for internal debate. It should not be forgotten that the confederation is preparing to collect signatures for two citizens’ initiative bills which, regardless of their substance (public procurement and healthcare), face the problem of reaching the end of the parliamentary term and therefore seem doomed to remain on the backburner. On 17 October, a demonstration is planned by Via Maestra, the social coalition firmly led by the CGIL, which comprises associations from various backgrounds and many third-sector organisations. The event is widely seen as marking the secretary’s return to the political limelight, and therefore cannot be allowed to fail. Finally, there is total silence regarding the ‘broad coalition’ primaries. Several newspapers had reported on a Landini–Schlein pact to channel the CGIL’s support towards the secretary, but for now these remain mere speculations. Certainly, the ‘red’ trade union is no longer the rock-solid organisation it once was, and so no one can know how many votes it is capable of swaying; but for now, as mentioned, no one is talking about it. Today, however, thanks to the September festival calendar, Landini and Schlein will meet in Cattolica at an event organised by the SPI pensioners’ group. An opportunity for photographers and reporters.