The AfD’s dark wave and the anti-Semitism bill. “I hope there will be broad consensus in the Chamber of Deputies,” says Fassino

The German election result also speaks to Italy, says Fassino, “not only because there are forces espousing slogans not dissimilar to those of the AfD, but because frustrations, insecurity and fears run deep within Italian society”. Meanwhile, on the 9th, the anti-Semitism bill – over which the PD in the Senate had been divided – arrives at the Chamber of Deputies

8 SEP 26
Translated by AI
Image of The AfD’s dark wave and the anti-Semitism bill. “I hope there will be broad consensus in the Chamber of Deputies,” says Fassino
Rome. A grim figure looms over Germany: 44.2 per cent of the vote for the AfD in Saxony-Anhalt. For former minister and Democratic Party MP Piero Fassino, that result “is the tip of the iceberg”. “The revanchist phenomenon embodied by the AfD,” he tells Il Foglio, “did not come as a surprise. For months, in all state and local by-elections, there has been a rise in support – particularly strong in eastern Germany, but with significant percentages even in western regions and cities. We must analyse the result and understand what has driven so many Germans to place their trust in a party that advocates the expulsion of immigrants, separate schools for foreigners and people with disabilities, and the denial of rights to homosexuals. These slogans have struck a chord with an ageing and impoverished population who experienced German reunification more as a colonisation of the East by the West than as a rediscovery of national unity. And to those Germans, the appeals to German greatness, völkisch purity and Prussian tradition have sounded appealing. Just as those voters do not identify with support for Ukraine, which they view as a war waged by the West – whose values they refuse to embrace. The underlying basis of these sentiments is well represented by the words of one of the AfD’s leaders: ‘Germany cannot live forever with a sense of guilt’. This shows that — despite the efforts made over decades by the democratic parties and the German intelligentsia — not all of Germany has come to terms with its history and its tragedies.” One wonders what impact this vote might have across Europe. “In the coming weeks, elections will be held in Berlin and in another eastern Land. And then, gradually, other German regions will go to the polls, in a sequence of events that will coincide with elections in France, Spain, Poland and Italy. All these elections – according to the polls – see the right with the wind in its sails. The risk that Europe’s geopolitical map will be redrawn, taking on shades of grey and black, lies before us. How to respond is therefore the urgent challenge facing all democratic forces, and to do so we must seek to understand the reasons behind those votes and then launch a political initiative that addresses and responds to the questions and expectations which, if left unmet, drive a section of the electorate to embrace extreme slogans, seen as a ‘protective shield’ against the pitfalls of an open, multicultural society, embedded within global networks. A cultural and political revitalisation of the EU and its integration will be crucial, implementing the changes and reforms necessary so that citizens recognise that European integration delivers benefits which no European state, acting alone, would be able to guarantee”. The German election result also has implications for Italy, says Fassino, and “not only because there are forces — from Roberto Vannacci’s Fn to the Lega and fringe elements of FdI — which espouse slogans not dissimilar to those of the AfD, but because frustrations, unmet expectations, insecurity and fears run deep within Italian society. The opposition has a duty to engage with voters, to listen to them and offer answers more convincing than the emotional impulses stirred up by the right. In Saxony-Anhalt, the AfD built its success on a widespread presence, village by village, through daily engagement with citizens’. Is there a risk that these movements could fuel a wave of anti-Semitism? “Strong anti-Semitic and anti-Jewish sentiments are common traits of these far-right movements and replicate a sad and dramatic pattern that has run through European history over the centuries: Jewish diversity portrayed as a flaw responsible for society’s ills. Proof of this is the hyper-exponential rise in anti-Semitic incidents across Europe and in Italy too. To justify them by invoking Netanyahu’s policies is a nonsensical shift of blame. The Israeli government’s policies must be condemned and opposed in the strongest and most severe terms, but it is unacceptable to hold every Jew, wherever they live in the world, accountable for them, treating them as accomplices simply because they are Jewish. And it is the duty of every citizen and every political force to make the fight against anti-Semitism a priority on their agenda.” Tomorrow, the anti-Semitism bill resumes its passage through the Constitutional Affairs Committee in the Chamber of Deputies. Last March, in the Senate, the PD was divided. For the reasons outlined above, Fassino says he “does not understand the opposition to the anti-Semitism bill based on a false assumption: namely, that the bill would criminalise any criticism of Israel. This is not the case. One need only read the text. Moreover, the original text was amended by the Senate, thanks to the efforts of Graziano Delrio, precisely to avoid any misunderstanding. And for this reason, I hope that there will be broad consensus in the Chamber of Deputies, building on the text adopted by the Senate”.