There is a serious row between Orsini and Meloni over the definition of artisans

Since May 2024, when Emanuele Orsini was appointed president of Confindustria, relations with Giorgia Meloni have been excellent. The Prime Minister has attended the industrialists’ meetings with great satisfaction (and applause), and whilst there have been some disagreements over the years, these have mainly concerned the wording of this or that clause in the Budget Bill. Or the bureaucratic delays in getting ‘Transizione 5.0’ off the ground. This time, however, the risk of open conflict is high because, in some way, Meloni has ‘betrayed’ the industrialists. Obviously, the context is that of an early election campaign, in which no prisoners are taken and privileged relationships are cultivated with those who can guarantee greater returns in terms of electoral support. Palazzo Chigi has apparently decided that it is in its interests to focus on the craft trade associations, from Confartigianato to CNA and Casartigiani (which, in total, claim to have around 2.5 million members). To Meloni’s electoral strategists, these associations appear more willing and united in their voting than Confindustria might be. The government has therefore seized the opportunity presented by the annual regulations on SMEs to overhaul the framework law on the craft sector, which dates back as far as 1985. The draft of the new provisions has emerged from the Mimit, Adolfo Urso’s ministry, but well-informed sources even go so far as to suggest that it was drawn up by Marco Granelli, president of Confartigianato.

But what does this text contain that is so toxic as to jeopardise relations between Meloni and Orsini? The aim is to modernise the regulations and give craft businesses the opportunity to expand. Not, however, through support and a roadmap enabling them to mature in the market and increase productivity, but rather with a simple stroke of the pen. A business may be classified as a craft enterprise even if it has 50 employees (previously, depending on the sector, the limit ranged between 18 and 32); more flexible company structures may be adopted; the owner is not obliged to work in the business themselves; and businesses may have up to three premises. For Confindustria, this constitutes a veritable encroachment on the territory of small-scale industry; the law creates a ‘grey area’ in which a business is considered industrial when it competes in the market and becomes an artisan enterprise when it has to bear costs and fulfil obligations. In short, this is a law that does not help businesses grow but instead extends benefits and concessions to those small enterprises that wish to define themselves as ‘artisan’ for convenience’s sake. Economists once described this as the ‘low road’ to competitiveness, and it seems that Urso has chosen it and Meloni has endorsed it.

The Confindustria representatives’ accusations do not stop there. Orsini claims that this new measure will result in a shortfall of 800 million in INPS revenue, a reduction in personal income tax (IRPEF) revenue of 250–400 million, and, above all, that more than 1.5 million workers are at risk of a potential change to their national collective agreement. According to figures released by the vice-president of Confindustria, Francesco Somma, the pay gap between industrial contracts and those for craft tradespeople is as high as 34 per cent. Orsini’s fear, therefore, is that this will trigger a downward migration of companies – perhaps even those registered with Confindustria – which, to save on labour costs, will masquerade as craft businesses. Meloni is well aware of these concerns, but at the moment she considers it a priority to help the artisans’ associations—which are facing some difficulties—to attract as many new members as possible. This is Fratelli d’Italia’s industrial policy: the smaller the businesses remain, the more they will need us. Large companies, on the other hand, are so cosmopolitan that they look elsewhere. It is clear that the current dispute between the government and Confindustria is no trivial matter. It touches on many issues, affects numerous organisational and budgetary interests, and makes any prospect of a social pact dependent on electoral approval.

Furthermore, there is also the risk that the talks between businesses and trade unions – which are intended to produce new and more transparent rules on representation – could run aground on what is known in the trade as ‘perimetrazione’, namely the very boundaries between craft businesses and small-scale industry. The talks – which were launched with the Prime Minister’s backing – could face insurmountable obstacles or could lead to an agreement that is not, however, endorsed by the craft trade associations. And the trade unions? They are focused on a positive outcome from these talks and, for the time being, have not devoted much time to the reform of the craft sector. There has been no public statement on the matter; a silence prevails even within the CGIL, led by a rather talkative leader. Yet it should be clear to their leaders that if the government’s bill were to pass, we would face a massive wave of contractual dumping. In short, instead of increasing wages, we would be reducing them. Orsini, who is a born tactician, fears a head-on clash with Palazzo Chigi and a personal confrontation with Giorgia Meloni. At this stage, he is sending in the regional troops, particularly those from Piedmont, who have launched a barrage of criticism against the Urso-Granelli bill. However, this war of attrition cannot continue indefinitely: either Meloni backtracks (perhaps by shifting the blame onto Urso), or Orsini risks a great deal and will have to mobilise the regional branches – this time not to draft a press release but to prevent that exodus towards the craft sector, which would mark an unprecedented setback.