Schlein seeks refuge in Meloni’s camp from attacks by her allies

For the PD secretary, it is easier to forge an alliance with the Prime Minister than to draw up a programme with Conte. Not least because Meloni is the only one who recognises Schlein as leader of the opposition. Connect the dots
19 SEP 26
Translated by AI
Image of Schlein seeks refuge in Meloni’s camp from attacks by her allies

Elly Schlein – photo: LaPresse

It almost seems as though it is easier for Elly Schlein to reach a policy agreement with Giorgia Meloni than with the rest of the broad political spectrum. And the indignant reaction of her allies – from Giuseppe Conte to Angelo Bonelli – to the PD secretary’s invitation to the Prime Minister to engage in dialogue is proof of this. In the letter, published on Thursday in La Repubblica, in which Schlein sets out her package of measures to tackle the energy crisis by utilising the 14 billion (0.6 per cent of GDP) in flexibility allowed by the European Commission, there was nothing particularly new in terms of content. After all, ten days earlier, Schlein had already presented her five energy proposals in Cernobbio, in the presence of her allies Giuseppe Conte (via video link), Angelo Bonelli and Matteo Renzi. There were no objections to the content. The problem, for them – or at least for Conte and Bonelli – is the ‘constructive spirit’ with which Schlein addressed Meloni, saying: ‘We submit our proposal for your consideration.’ And above all, the Prime Minister’s willingness to ‘explore’ the issue ‘without prejudice’ when ‘sensible proposals are made’.
Of course, there is a solid basis on which an agreement can be reached. Firstly, because the extension of the defence safeguard clause to the energy sector was a victory in Europe for Meloni and Giorgetti. Secondly, because Schlein’s five proposals concern the strengthening of measures that already exist or have been introduced by the Meloni government (the ‘Conto termico’, the ‘Piano casa’, industrial conversion, public transport and the upgrading of the electricity grid). Yet Schlein’s move has, above all, political significance. Whilst many on the centre-left – and even within her own party – doubt her ability to lead the coalition, the PD secretary is addressing the Prime Minister as an equal; the Prime Minister is perhaps the only figure on the left who recognises her leadership. This is true both when she attacks her and when she expresses a willingness to engage in dialogue.
This is not the first time this has happened. Also in Cernobbio, Schlein had said she was willing to vote alongside the centre-right to extend the single authorisation based on the ZES model to the whole of Italy, in order to reduce the bureaucratic burden on businesses: “This is a point of agreement with Prime Minister Meloni,” said Schlein. “There is scope for us to jointly approve the extension of the single ZES scheme for Southern Italy to the whole of the country,” replied the Prime Minister a few days later, in an interview with Il Foglio. Over the course of the parliamentary term, whilst never shying away from harsh criticism of one another, the two leaders have reached other agreements. From the pact – which subsequently fell through – on the offence of sexual violence, which arose from a phone call between Schlein and Meloni and was sealed by the PD secretary with an Instagram photo alongside the Prime Minister: “We have shown that on this fundamental issue, common ground can be found between the majority and the opposition to help the country move forward.” A pact was also struck against the use of deepfakes in election campaigns.
“In the run-up to the election campaign, all political parties should commit to not using AI to attribute fabricated words or actions to their opponents,” was the appeal made by Schlein in July in an interview with Il Foglio. Meloni immediately accepted this call: “It is an issue I raised before anyone else. I agree.” This remote dialogue between political opponents also gave rise to the bill, first sponsored by Schlein, in support of the film and audiovisual sectors, which was passed with cross-party support and almost unanimously (with the exception of Marattin and Vannacci). This political process had begun with an appeal by the director Pupi Avati to the Prime Minister and the Secretary of the PD to work across party lines on a new film bill.
Now the appeal (“Dear President”), or rather the invitation, to a debate on energy issues has been written by Schlein. While the PD’s faction leaders are racking their brains over how to scupper the primaries – discussing foreign ‘popes’, third-party candidates, old partisans or new 18-year-olds – anyone, so long as it is not their own secretary, to lead the coalition and the government. Meanwhile, other leaders are awaiting Conte’s conditions on Ukraine via *Nova*. As the Left struggles to define its programme, the PD secretary is reaching out to the Prime Minister – her political rival – to seek a policy agreement on the energy crisis and secure recognition of her leadership.
And this is precisely what troubles her progressive allies. “On climate and energy issues, Meloni has sabotaged all environmental and climate policies,” says Bonelli, “so this outstretched hand in a bid to work together is incomprehensible.” “The conditions do not exist for working with those – the Meloni government – who say they want to carry out drilling,” says Conte. They are attacking Meloni, but the real target is Schlein.